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- H.J. Haan de (1)
- P.D. Jagt van der (1)
- A. Kessler (1)
- C.S.A. Koppen van (1)
- J. Kruit (2)
- R. Ramaker (1)
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- E.J. Veen (2)
- A. Wagemakers (1)
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- M. Wolthuis (1)
'Actief Burgerschap' : een verkenning naar burgerinitiatieven in de Limburgse samenleving
Kruit, J. ; Breman, B.C. - \ 2016
Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel Wageningen UR 328) - 23 p.
bewonersparticipatie - buurtactie - maatschappelijke betrokkenheid - gemeenschappen - platteland - limburg - nederland - community participation - community action - community involvement - communities - rural areas - netherlands
De Vereniging Kleine Kernen Limburg (VKKL) is als actieve speler in Limburg betrokken bij het borgen van de leefbaarheid in kleine kernen. Ze brengt als kennismakelaar partijen bij elkaar, ze behartigt belangen richting provincie, ze zorgt voor expertiseontwikkeling bij haar leden en ze voedt haar leden met nieuwe kennis en inzichten, onder andere via de organisatie van het plattelandsparlement in Limburg en de Limburglabs. De Limburgse samenleving verandert. De VKKL ziet een ontwikkeling dat Limburgers meer en meer zelf een actieve rol (moeten) spelen in het borgen van de leefbaarheid. Steeds meer nieuwe initiatieven, netwerken en samenwerkingsverbanden zonder vastomlijnde organisatievorm komen op. De VKKL probeert grip te krijgen op de aard- en de dynamiek van deze (verschillende typen) ‘burgerkracht’ in Limburg én aan te sluiten op de ondersteuningsbehoefte die bestaat vanuit deze initiatieven. Het onderzoek, uitgevoerd door twee masterstudenten en een ACT1 groep vanuit Wageningen UR heeft duidelijk gemaakt dat: er enorm veel verschillende soorten burgerinitiatieven in Limburg zijn te vinden, dat deze initiatieven veelal in grotere netwerken functioneren, dat het daarbij ook gaat over de verbinding tussen overheid én burgerinitiatief en dat initiatieven op verschillende manieren kunnen ontstaan, waarbij ook andere netwerkpartijen een prominente rol kunnen hebben. Ook werd duidelijk dat de VKKL nog niet altijd vanzelfsprekend in beeld is bij de verschillende bottom-up initiatieven en de samenwerkende overheden. In een creatieve sessie met de VKKL zijn ideeën opgehaald en uitgewerkt die worden meegenomen in het beleidsplan 2017-2021. Deze ideeën gaan over het werken aan een organisatie die onderscheidend en herkenbaar is. Van belang daarbij is dat de organisatie lokaal zichtbaar is en tegelijkertijd grensoverschrijdend leren en samenwerken stimuleert. Ook essentieel is dat de groep ondersteuners wordt verbreed en dat die ook nog meer gebruikt maakt van (sociale) media om kennis en informatie beter te ontsluiten.
Buurttuin zorgt voor sociale samenhang
Ramaker, R. ; Veen, E.J. - \ 2015
Resource: weekblad voor Wageningen UR 9 (2015)20. - ISSN 1874-3625 - p. 10 - 10.
tuinen - openbaar groen - buurtactie - gemeenschappelijk bezit - gardens - public green areas - community action - common property resources
Gemeenschappelijke moestuinen vergroten de sociale cohesie in steden. Zelfs wanneer het verbouwen van groente en fruit de drijfveer is, doen tuiniers toch contacten op en helpen elkaar. Dit concludeert promovendus Esther Veen in haar proefschrift dat ze 15 juni 2015 verdedigde.
Tijdelijk gebruik als antwoord op braakligging
Kruit, J. ; Jagt, P.D. van der - \ 2015
Wageningen : Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel 310) - ISBN 9789461738813 - 48
stedelijke terreinen - braak - tijdigheid - buurtactie - stedelijke samenleving - urban sites - fallow - timeliness - community action - urban society
Een tijdelijke vrije ruimte midden in de wijk is een schatkamer voor een buurt. Met dit beeld voor ogen gingen actieve buurtbewoners en ouders van een aangrenzende school in 2012 aan de slag met plannen en ideeën om iets te doen met een tijdelijk braakliggend terrein. Doel van dit rapport: achterhalen hoe de buurt het tijdelijk gebruik heeft ervaren, met als achterliggend idee anderen onderbouwd te kunnen ondersteunen ook zoiets te doen. Een aanvullende vraag is wat tijdelijk gebruik nu interessant maakt en voor wie.
Community gardens in urban areas: a critical reflection on the extent to which they strenghten social cohesion and provide alternative food
Veen, E.J. - \ 2015
University. Promotor(en): Han Wiskerke, co-promotor(en): Andries Visser; Bettina Bock. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462573383 - 265
publieke tuinen - tuinieren - stedelijke gebieden - bewonersparticipatie - buurtactie - stadslandbouw - alternatieve landbouw - volkstuinen - voedingsmiddelen - biologische voedingsmiddelen - sociologie - public gardens - gardening - urban areas - community participation - community action - urban agriculture - alternative farming - allotment gardens - foods - organic foods - sociology
The aims of this thesis are twofold; firstly, it aims to increase the understanding of the extent to which community gardens enhance social cohesion for those involved; secondly, it aims to gain insight into the importance community gardeners attach to food growing per se, and the extent to which participants perceive community gardens as an alternative to the industrial food system.
I define community gardens as a plot of land in an urban area, cultivated either communally or individually by people from the direct neighbourhood or the wider city, or in which urbanites are involved in other ways than gardening, and to which there is a collective element. Over the last years, community gardens have sprung up in several Dutch cities. Although there are various reasons for an increasing interest in community gardens, there are two that I focus on in this thesis in particular. The first is the assumption made that community gardens stimulate social cohesion in inner-city neighbourhoods, to be seen in the light of the ‘participatory society’. The second is community gardens’ contribution to the availability of locally produced food, in the context of an increased interest in Alternative Food Networks (AFNs).
The Dutch government aims to transform the Dutch welfare state into a participatory society in which citizens take more responsibility for their social and physical environment. This way the government not only hopes to limit public spending, but also wishes to increase social bonding and the self-organisational capacity of society. Community gardens fit the rhetoric around the participatory society, as they are examples of organised residents taking responsibility for their living environment. Moreover, the literature suggests that gardens are physical interventions that may decrease isolation by acting as meeting places. However, both the extent to which community gardens enhance social cohesion and under what conditions they may do so are unclear, especially as gardens come in various designs, shapes and sizes.
The popularity of community gardens also seems to be related to an overall increasing societal interest in food, and can be discussed in relation to Alternative Food Networks. AFNs are food systems that are different in some way from the mainstream, and are seen as a reaction to consumer concerns about the conventional food system. They are often considered to be dictated by political motivations and injected with a ‘deeper morality’. The category ‘AFN’ is however a heterogeneous category, as is the conventional food system; neither can be easily defined. The degree to which community gardens can be seen as AFNs is therefore unclear. While they do improve the availability of local food and operate outside of the market economy, we do not know how much and how often people eat from their gardens, nor do we know to what extent they are involved in the gardens in order to provide an alternative to the industrial food system. Hence, there is a lack of knowledge about the sense in which community gardens are alternative alternatives.
The overall research question of this thesis is:
What is the significance of community gardening in terms of its intention to promote social cohesion as well as its representation as an alternative food system?
This broad question is instructed by the following sub-questions:Why do people get involved in community gardens? What are their motivations?How, to what extent, and under which conditions does community gardening promote the development of social relations between participants? How do participants value these social effects? To what extent do the diets of community garden participants originate from the gardens in which they are involved? What is the importance of food in community gardens?What is the importance of growing or getting access to alternative food for participants of community gardens? Methodology
An important theoretical lens in this research is the theory of practice. Practices are defined as concrete human activity and include things, bodily doings and sayings. By performing practices people not only draw upon but also feed into structure. Routinisation – of practices, but also of daily life – therefore plays a central role in practice theory. Practice theory allows for an emphasis on practical reality as well as a study of motivations. This focus on how people manage everyday life, and how gardening fits within that, makes it particularly useful for this thesis.
I define social cohesion as the way in which people in a society feel and are connected to each other (De Kam and Needham 2003) and operationalised it by focusing on ‘social contacts, social networks, and social capital’, one of the elements into which social cohesion is often broken up. This element was operationalised as 1) contacts (the width of social cohesion) and 2) mutual help (the depth of social cohesion).
This research has a case study design; I studied four Dutch community gardens over a two-year period of time, and later supplemented these with an additional three cases. As practices consist of both doings and sayings, analysis must be concerned with both practical activity and its representation. I used participant observations to study practical activities, and interviews, questionnaires and document study to examine the representation of these activities.
Chapters 3 to 7 form the main part of this thesis. They are papers/book chapters that have been submitted to or are published by scientific journals or books. All of them are based on the field work.
In chapter 3 we compare two of the case studies and determine to what extent they can be seen as ‘alternative’. We argue that although reflexive motivations are present, most participants are unwilling to frame their involvement as political, and mundane motivations play an important role in people’s involvement as well. By using the concept of ‘food provisioning practices’ we show that participants of community gardens are often required to be actively involved in the production of their food. This means that participants are both producers and consumers: the gardens show a ‘sliding scale of producership’. This chapter also shows that political statements are not a perfect predictor of actual involvement in community gardening. This finding was one of the main reasons for starting to use the theory of practice, which is the main topic of the next chapter.
In chapter 4 we compare one of my case studies with an urban food growing initiative in New York City. By comparing the internal dynamics of these two cases and their relations with other social practices, we investigate whether different urban food growing initiatives can be seen as variations of one single practice. We also study the question of whether the practice can be seen as emerging. In particular, we take the elements of meaning, competences and material (Shove et al. 2012) into account. We found both similarities and differences between the two cases, with the main difference relating to the meanings practitioners attach to the practice. We conclude, therefore, that it is not fully convincing to see these cases as examples of the same social practice. We also argue that urban food growing may be considered an emerging practice, because it combines various practices, both new and established, under one single heading.
In chapter 5 we use the theory of practice to explore how urban food growing is interwoven with everyday life. We compare four community gardens - two allotments and two cases which we define as AFNs. We found that participants of the allotments are involved in the practice of gardening, while members of the AFNs are involved in the practice of shopping. The gardening practice requires structural engagement, turning it into a routine. The produce is a result of that routine and is easily integrated into daily meals. As AFNs are associated with the practice of shopping, they remain in competition with more convenient food acquisition venues. Eating from these gardens is therefore less easily integrated in daily life; every visit to the garden requires a conscious decision. Hence, whether members are primarily involved in shopping or in growing has an impact on the degree to which they eat urban-grown food. This shows that motivations are embedded in the context and routine of everyday life, and ‘only go so far’.
Chapter 6 concerns the organisational differences between the seven case studies in this thesis and the extent to which these influence the enhancement of social cohesion. We study people’s motivations for being involved in the gardens and compare these with the three main organisational differences. This comparison reveals that the gardens can be divided into place-based and interest-based gardens. Place-based gardens are those in which people participate for social reasons – aiming to create social bonds in the neighbourhood. Interest-based gardens are those in which people participate because they enjoy growing vegetables. Nevertheless, all of these gardens contribute to the development of social cohesion. Moreover, while participants who are motivated by the social aspects of gardening show a higher level of appreciation for them, these social aspects also bring added value for those participants who are motivated primarily by growing vegetables.
In chapter 7 we present a garden that exemplifies that gardens may encompass not only one, but indeed several communities, and that rapprochement and separation take place simultaneously. While this garden is an important meeting place, thereby contributing to social cohesion, it harbours two distinct communities. These communities assign others to categories (‘us’ and ‘them’) on the basis of place of residence, thereby strengthening their own social identities. Ownership over the garden is both an outcome and a tool in that struggle. We define the relationship between these two communities as instrumental-rational – referring to roles rather than individuals - which explains why they do not form a larger unity. Nevertheless, the two communities show the potential to develop into a larger imagined garden-community.
This thesis shows that the different organisational set-ups of community gardens reflect gardeners’ different motivations for being involved in these gardens. The gardens studied in this thesis can be defined as either place-based or interest-based; gardens in the first category are focused on the social benefits of gardening, whereas gardens in the second category are focused on gardening and vegetables. Nevertheless, social effects occur in both types of gardens; in all of the gardens studied, participants meet and get to know others and value these contacts. Based on this finding, I conclude that community gardens do indeed enhance social cohesion.
Place-based community gardens specifically have the potential to become important meeting places; they offer the opportunity to work communally towards a common goal, and once established, can develop into neighbourhood spaces to be used for various other shared activities. Most interest-based gardens lack opportunities to develop the social contacts that originated at the garden beyond the borders of the garden. These gardens are often maintained by people who do not live close to the garden or to each other, and those who garden are generally less motivated by social motivations per se. Important to note is that community gardens do not necessarily foster a more inclusive society; they often attract people with relatively similar socio-economic backgrounds and may support not one, but several communities.Most participants from place-based gardens eat from their gardens only occasionally; others never do so. This type of community garden can therefore hardly be seen as a reaction to the industrialised food system, let alone an attempt to create an alternative food system. Nevertheless, certain aspects of these gardens are in line with the alternative rhetoric. By contrast, most gardeners at interest-based gardens eat a substantial amount of food from their gardens, and to some of them the choice to consume this locally-grown food relates to a lifestyle in which environmental considerations play a role. However, this reflexivity is not expressed in political terms and participants do not see themselves as part of a food movement. Participants who buy rather than grow produce showed the greatest tendency to explain their involvement in political terms, but many of them have difficulty including the produce in their diets on a regular basis. I therefore conclude that community gardens cannot be seen as conscious, ‘alternative’ alternatives to the industrial food system. Nonetheless, the role of food in these gardens is essential, as it is what brings participants together – either because they enjoy gardening or because the activities which are organised there centre around food.
In this thesis I used and aimed to contribute to the theory of practice. Using participant observations to study what people do in reality was particularly useful. It turned research into an embodied activity, enabling me to truly ‘live the practice’, and therefore to understand it from the inside.
Deconstructing the practice of food provisioning into activities such as buying, growing and cooking was helpful in gaining an understanding of how people manage everyday life, and how food acquisitioning fits into their everyday rhythms. It sheds light on how and to what extent people experience the practice of community gardening as a food acquisitioning practice, and to what degree they relate it to other elements of food provisioning such as cooking and eating. The focus on the separate elements of food provisioning practices helped me realise that acquiring food from community gardens represents a different practice to different people; some are engaged in the practice of growing food, others in the practice of shopping for food.
This thesis showed that motivations delineate how the practice ‘works out in practice’; the way in which a practice such as community gardening is given shape attracts people with certain motivations, who, by reproducing that practice, increase the attractiveness of the practice for others with similar motivations. This implies that while community gardening appears to be one practice, it should in fact be interpreted as several distinct practices, such as the practice of food growing or the practice of social gathering. Motivations therefore influence a garden’s benefits and outcomes. This thesis thus highlights that motivations should not be overlooked when studying practices.
Apprehending the motivations of community gardeners is also an important contribution to the literature around AFNs, since it helps us to understand the extent to which urban food production is truly alternative. By studying motivations, this thesis reveals that AFNs do not necessarily represent a deeper morality, or that not all food growing initiatives in the city can be defined as alternative. However, participants of community gardens are often both producers and consumers (there is a ‘sliding scale of producership’); the gardens are thus largely independent from the conventional food system. Moreover, for participants who buy produce, the meaning of the gardens often goes beyond an economic logic (there is a ‘sliding scale of marketness’). Hence, while the gardens studied in this thesis are no alternative alternatives, most of them can be qualified as ‘actually existing alternatives’ (after Jehlicka and Smith 2011).
This thesis showed that even those gardens in which the commodification of food is being challenged do not necessarily represent a deeper morality, which is contrary to what is argued by Watts et al. (2005). This implies that understanding whether or not initiatives resist incorporation into the food system is insufficient to be able to determine whether or not they can be defined as alternative food networks. However, determining whether or not deeper moral reflection is present is not a satisfactory way of defining food networks as alternative either, as this neglects the fact that motivations do not always overlap with practical reality. This suggests that establishing whether a food network can be regarded as alternative requires studying both motivations and practical reality. The thesis also raises the question to what extent the label AFN is still useful. Since it is unclear what ‘alternative’ means exactly, it is also unclear whether a given initiative can be considered alternative. Moreover, the world of food seems too complex to be represented by a dichotomy between alternative and conventional food systems; the gardens presented in this thesis are diverse and carry characteristics of both systems. I therefore suggest considering replacing the term AFN with that of civic food networks, as Renting et al. (2012) advocate.
|Actie-onderzoek vertelt over de successen. Wetenschappers, professionals en burgers werken samen. [Action research reports the successes. Scientists, practitioners and residents collaborate
Geerts, A. ; Wagemakers, A. - \ 2010
VoedingsMagazine 23 (2010)6. - ISSN 0922-8012 - p. 8 - 10.
gezondheidsbevordering - buurtactie - sociale participatie - voeding en gezondheid - actieonderzoek - health promotion - community action - social participation - nutrition and health - action research
In actie-onderzoek worden de resultaten teruggekoppeld naar de mensen om wie het gaat. 'Als er activiteiten zijn waarover men tevreden is, dan moet je dat vertellen. Het is belangrijk om de succesen te melden', zegt dr. ir. Annemarie Wegemakers. 'mensen zelf laten meedenken en meewerken is essentieel en leidt tot activiteiten en voorzieningen waar mensen werkelijk wat mee kunnen'.
|Vrije tijd en sociale controle in de woonomgeving: Privacy regulering, domeinvorming en de beleving van het wonen
Haan, H.J. de - \ 2007
Vrijetijdstudies 25 (2007)3. - ISSN 1384-2439 - p. 5 - 22.
woningen - huisvesting - sociale interactie - buurtactie - maatschappelijke betrokkenheid - buurten - groepsgedrag - belevingswaarde - privacy - dwellings - housing - social interaction - community action - community involvement - neighbourhoods - group behaviour - experiential value
In Nederland besteden mensen een groot deel van hun vrije tijd in de woning en de woonomgeving. Om van het wonen een ‘beleving’ te maken, wordt veel aandacht besteed aan de inrichting van de woning en de kwaliteit van de buurt. In dit artikel staat de relatie tussen de woning (het privé domein) en de woonomgeving centraal. Aan de hand van begrippen als territorialiteit en domeinvorming wordt ingegaan op de aard en het belang van buurtinteracties. De woning is enerzijds de ultieme plek waar mensen geborgenheid en privacy zoeken. Anderzijds staat deze plek bloot aan sociaal-ruimtelijke invloeden van buitenaf. Om deze invloeden te beheersen, en zodoende het privé domein te beschermen, moeten buurtbewoners elkaar en de omgeving leren kennen. De belevingswaarde van de eigen woning wordt mede bepaald door de relatie met de omgeving. Buurtactiviteiten en sociale interacties hebben in die zin niet alleen een intrinsieke, maar ook een instrumentele waarde. Een eerste artikel in een themanummer over "buurt en vrije tijd"
Mensen over bomen
Wolthuis, M. ; Stobbelaar, D.J. ; Koppen, C.S.A. van - \ 2007
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel Wageningen UR (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel Wageningen UR 234) - ISBN 9789085850762 - 64
bomen - aantrekkelijke bomen - straatbomen - perceptie - bescherming - buurtactie - sociale participatie - nederland - communicatie - openbaar groen - gemeenten - trees - amenity trees - street trees - perception - protection - community action - social participation - netherlands - communication - public green areas - municipalities
De bomen in de openbare ruimte binnen de bebouwde kom staan centraal in dit rapport. Dit onderzoek (op verzoek van de Bomenstichting) richt zich zowel op de bewoners als ook op de interactie tussen bewoners en gemeenten. Centrale onderzoeksvragen zijn: treden er veranderingen op in de omgang van burgers met bomen in de openbare ruimte; welke zijn die veranderingen, wat zijn de belangrijkste factoren die op de omgang met bodem van invloed zijn; wat zijn de kenmerken van successvolle initiatieven om bomen te behouden. Het gaat in dit rapport niet alleen over de waardering van burgers voor bomen, maar ook hoe ze daarop met de overheid in interactie treden
Zelforganisatie en ruimtegebruik. Van open netwerken en gesloten gemeenschappen
Aarts, N. ; During, R. - \ 2006
Utrecht : InnovatieNetwerk Groene Ruimte en Agrocluster (http://edepot.wur.nl/26963 nr. 06.2.129) - ISBN 905059302X - 55
ruimtelijke ordening - bedrijfsvoering - maatschappelijke betrokkenheid - sociale participatie - buurtactie - beleid - besluitvorming - nederland - physical planning - management - community involvement - social participation - community action - policy - decision making - netherlands
In plaats van theoretische constructies te bouwen die vervolgens in de samenleving worden geplaatst, moeten we organiseren en construeren vanuit de samenleving zelf. In dit essay wordt de noodzaak van deze paradigmawisseling onderbouwd. Startpunt is het besef dat de idee van de maakbaarheid van de samenleving niet langer houdbaar is.
Moving people - towards collective action in soil and water conservation : experiences from the Bolivian mountain valleys
Kessler, A. - \ 2006
University. Promotor(en): Leo Stroosnijder, co-promotor(en): Jan de Graaff. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9085044766 - 195
bodembescherming - waterbescherming - landdegradatie - plaatselijke bevolking - boeren - houding van boeren - buurtactie - bolivia - soil conservation - water conservation - land degradation - local population - farmers - farmers' attitudes - community action
Working apart together : civiel militaire samenwerking tijdens humanitaire operaties
Bollen, M. - \ 2002
University. Promotor(en): G.E. Frerks; J.M.L.M. Soeters; A.L.W. Vogelaar. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058086068 - 286
internationale samenwerking - manschappen - samenleving - strijdkrachten - buurtactie - interacties - interventie - crises - rwanda - wereld - noodhulp - burgerlijke staat - militaire hulp - internationale conflicten - kosovo - intervention - emergency relief - international cooperation - military personnel - armed forces - society - community action - interactions - world - civil status - military aid - international conflicts
This study is about civil-military cooperation during humanitarian operations. It aims at explaining civil-military cooperation processes and at identifying ways in which collaboration may be improved. This book evaluates the experiences with civil-military relations by researching the following questions:
What are conditions for civil-military cooperation during humanitarian operations?
What are characteristics of civil-military alliances?
What problems are impeding civilian actors and the military to cooperate?
How can civil-military cooperation be improved?
In this summary, the second section describes the background to the research. From the third section onwards the answers to the research questions are discussed.
Background to this study
During the last decade of the 20th century, upsurges of intense animosity among many of the world's five to eight thousand ethnic groups have set the trend for violence. As a result, the number of complex humanitarian emergencies soared. From the mid-nineties onwards, the international community became increasingly aware that to deal with the consequences a wide spectrum of resources and a multi-faceted response was required. Amongst others, this brought forth new linkages between differing and non-traditional partners, such as civilian humanitarian organisations and international militaries who have been working together on humanitarian operations.
Civil-military cooperation has become a characteristic of humanitarian operations in the nineties. However, in spite of positive results, civil-military cooperation during humanitarian operations has been controversial from the onset. The appropriateness of military contributions to humanitarian operations is questioned both from the military as well as from the civilian perspective.
At a strategic level, civil and military actors acknowledge the vital importance of increased coordination and cooperation. Up until now, they appear to have adopted a mainly reactive attitude. As a consequence, a shared comprehensive vision and approach to the complex humanitarian problems seems to have been developing at a slow pace. There appears to be neither monitoring nor process evaluation with regard to civil-military collaboration. Lessons are learned independently. The exchange of information and feedback are administered by driblets between the various organisations and disciplines. There seems to be hardly any sharing of innovations among the actors involved in different sectors. Therefore, the extent to which these innovations may induce changes remains limited.
However, at the operational level civilians and the military have cooperated intensively to solve the daily problems. The multi-actor approach has been leaning heavily on the dedication of civilian and military actors at hand to perform their interdependent tasks. At this level the military and civilian actors are confronted with the lack of communication, information exchange, community and comprehensiveness. Synergy has been hard to achieve. In spite of their interdependencies, civilian actors and their military counterparts are also representing their own interests. Civilian and military planning and logistics are directed towards goals both parties hold in common as well as towards their own interests. Therefore, it may happen that one party thwarts the other in reaching its goals. Finally, civil-military cooperation between unfamiliar and widely diverging partners can be hindered by visions on collaboration that have been developed unilaterally by one of the organisations. When the potential partners have not been invited to participate in the development of cooperation policies, chances are they will reject any forms of cooperation resulting from this process. The attitude of civilian actors towards the military concept of Cimic may be viewed as an example. According to humanitarian organisations Cimic mainly serves the interests of the military. Therefore, civilian actors refuse to cooperate within Cimic-structures that are governed by the military.
Conditions of civil-military cooperation
The case studies on operation Provide Care (1994) and on operation Allied Harbour (1999), described in chapters 5 and 6 of the book, are the core of this study. During both the operations Dutch military were involved with civilian actors in order to cope with the humanitarian problems at hand. The case studies describe the ways in which collaboration processes developed, the ways in which the unfamiliarity and the differences between the partners affected the alliances and the problems with regard to civil-military cooperation that were encountered.
Both during operation Provide Care and operation Allied Harbour civilian and military actors collaborated in the field of construction, logistics, transport and distribution, and medical support. During operation Provide Care the cooperation was limited to representatives of NGOs and UNHCR. In addition to representatives of these institutions, during operation Allied Harbour, the military in Albania Force (AFOR) also worked closely with the authorities in the host-countries and other UN-aid organisations. In both operations civilian-military cooperation emerged on an ad-hoc basis on the request of civilian actors. According to the military I interviewed, the representatives of humanitarian organisations often took a leading position in the civil-military alliance.
Both civilian and military actors are convinced that cooperation depends on three conditions. Firstly, an early military presence at the start of the operation will contribute to the emergence of collaboration. At this stage civilian actors usually lack coping capacity to deal with the relief demands. The second condition to civil-military cooperation is the extent to which the military mission commands the resources that are complementary to the civilian needs. Lastly, the nature of the military mission and of its mandates is an important condition.
During both operations the military experienced a decline in the need for cooperation on the side of their civilian partners. The military mention three causes for this decline. Firstly, the military assistance accelerates the pace in which humanitarian aid is delivered. In this way the emergency situation gets under control sooner. During subsequent stages of the operation the demands for external support are changing in comparison with the emergency situation. Often, civilian aid organisations are able to deal with these altered demands without additional military support. In other words, the military have made themselves redundant. Secondly, as the operation proceeds over time, the number of civilian organisations present in the area usually increases. Under the condition that the security situation does not deteriorate, the civilian actors become less dependent on the continuing military support. The tables may even turn to the extent, that ongoing military assistance is regarded as improper competition. Lastly, the need to cooperate decreases when the military are not able to timely adapt to the new context after the emergency-situation. Due to the above mentioned causes civilian actors no longer feel that collaboration with the military will lead to a win-win situation.
In line with these findings, both civilian and military partners state the following reasons for civil-military cooperation: their lack of coping capacity to perform the job on their own, the needs for additional resources, specialist's know-how and expertise. Moreover, the need to increase the scope of the humanitarian activities, the lack of other suitable partners and the lack of humanitarian expertise are mentioned as reasons for civil-military cooperation.
These reasons for civil-military cooperation reflect the principle of altruistic self-interest by which civil-military relations appear to be governed. This means that civil-military cooperation will emerge and continue as long as the alliance is felt to serve the interests of both sets of parties.
According to the military I interviewed, their civilian counterparts determine both the development and the nature of the relationships in the alliance, and also decide the duration of the alliance. This phenomenon can be understood by taking into account the differences in autonomy regarding the military and civilian actors at an operational level. The start of a military mission is dependent on political decision-making processes that will often lag behind the actual demands for support. By the same token, the military cannot decide for themselves when their mission should be ended. According to the military, civilian actors, such as NGOs are far more independent. In their view, representatives of NGOs can limit or even end civil-military relations whenever it appears they are no longer in need of additional military support in order to achieve their goals. As a result, commanders may be facing a situation in which the need for military support seems to have vanished almost overnight, whereas the political decision-makers have not yet reached a conclusion about the end of the military mission. Under these circumstances, commanders are dependent on civilian actors to be able to keep their men and women at work.
As a consequence of these differences in autonomy, asymmetric dependency relations develop. Relations such as these, induce high levels of uncertainty. On an operational level, the military have to reduce their uncertainty to such an extent that their civilian counterparts regard them to be necessary partners. This means, the military have to command the expertise and resources needed to deal with changing demands. Besides, the military will have to cope with the uncertainty caused by their dependency on political decision-makers. To be able to reduce uncertainty continuous interaction, by means of communication and information exchange, is considered to be vital.
Characteristics of civil-military alliances
Civilian actors vary to the extent to which they are dependent on military support. However, during the first stages of humanitarian operations only a limited number of civilian organisations will be present. Often these actors are not capable of dealing with the complex demands for help. Civilian actors, that lack sufficient coping capacity, appear to be well aware of their dependency on additional military assistance. Dependent on the security situation they may be in need of protection and safety. Often they are in dire straits for logistical support, transport and distribution and engineering. The civilian actors perceive working with the military as a pragmatic strategy, enabling them to achieve their goals, even when they lack the necessary resources and know-how.
For the most part, the military I interviewed are convinced of the necessity to cooperate with civilian actors during humanitarian operations. This is due mainly to their self-proclaimed lack of humanitarian expertise. Therefore, I conclude that both interdependence and the awareness about interdependence are characteristic to civil-military alliances. In these alliances both sets of partners, taken on their own, lack sufficient coping capacity. Therefore, during their collaboration both parties experience a certain level of asymmetric dependency.
Besides being dependent upon one another in order to achieve results, partakers of civil-military alliances also experience another form of dependency. By collaborating, both sets of partners become dependent on the cooperative behaviour of the other party. A complicating factor is that civil-military relations often are initial relations. The unfamiliar partners' behaviour is unpredictable and the levels of uncertainty regarding the partners' cooperative intentions are high. Moreover, dependency on others is greater during humanitarian crises and with that dependency go premiums on determining trustworthy people and trustworthy coping methods. Therefore, the potential partners have to decide quickly with whom they are going to cooperate. To this effect, swift trust and a certain level of confidence in partner cooperation are needed among the different sets of parties in the field.
At an organisational level, civil-military cooperation has to be institutionalised to some degree. Under these conditions, partners at the operational level can accept their inherent conflicts of interest and differences of opinion as legitimate.
Basically there are two mechanisms by which the partners can reduce their uncertainty about the partners' behaviour and develop confidence. The first mechanism is based on control. Examples of control mechanisms are goal setting, rules and regulations regarding the participation in the alliance, monitoring the progress of activities and reporting on the results of the alliance. On the basis of such mutually agreed upon mechanisms the parties are able to reach consensus on the domains of cooperation and the division of responsibilities during the operation. Effective civil-military alliances are characterised by domain consensus, by which the behaviour of the unfamiliar partners becomes more predictable.
The second mechanism is based on the development of trust. Trust is important in civil-military relations for various reasons. Firstly, there exists no hierarchy between the different sets of parties. This means, that the partners cooperate on a voluntary basis and that trust is one the scarce means by which the alliance can be governed. Moreover, crisis conditions ratchet up the chance of cognitive and organisational errors. Civil-military alliances should be characterised by swift trust, because only then, civilian and military partners may dare to depend on one another in situations entailing risks.
Thirdly, civil-military interfaces are between partners who differ materially from each other. The military and civilian organisations represent different interests and are backed by different resources. Besides, both sets of parties are often differentiated in terms of power. Because of discontinuities such as these, alliances between the military and civilian organisations will be conflictuous by nature. In these relationships trust and distrust will manifest themselves at the same time. Lastly, trust is necessary, because the context of humanitarian operations is fluctuating. Under these circumstances, the development of mutually acceptable control mechanisms could take more time than is available.
It can be concluded, that the development of trust is influenced positively by continuous interaction on a daily basis, personal contacts, open communication, and information exchange in formal and informal settings. As a consequence, not only do the partners accept their own role and position in the alliance, but they also feel comfortable with the role and position of the other party. They experience their cooperation as normal. This phenomenon is known as situational normality. In civil-military alliances characterised by situational normality, the military partners even keep their confidence in the goodwill of their civilian counterparts, when the latter decide they want to terminate their involvement in the alliance. In other words, a high level of trust may imply that even in situations in which one partner damages the interests of the other, the disadvantaged party remains convinced of the other party's benevolence. This means that in civil-military relations that are characterised by high levels of trust, the partners will assume that the control mechanisms, such as domain consensus, will function appropriately.
Problems in civil-military cooperation
The use of military assets to assist in the humanitarian sphere is designed to supplement, rather than supplant the work of traditional humanitarian agencies. From a functional standpoint military assets can make four major kinds of contributions. Firstly, the military can work to foster a protective framework of overall stability within which civilian populations are protected and humanitarian activities are carried out. Secondly, the military can support the humanitarian organisations with logistics, personnel, engineering, and security. Thirdly, the military can execute relief activities themselves. These activities are referred to as civic action. During my field-research in Albania representatives of international aid organisations argued NATO's Albania Force was engaged in yet another kind of contribution namely, the organisation and coordination of humanitarian activities.
Military contributions with regard to civic action and crisis management may cause problems to the civil-military alliances. Based on the interviews with civilian actors, firstly, it appears that most civilian aid organisations are convinced of the military's lack of humanitarian expertise. Although the military may command the necessary resources, this does not mean they know how to use these resources appropriately.
Secondly, civilian aid organisations distrust the military motives to participate in humanitarian operations. On the one hand they fear that their goals may become secondary to the achievement of military-political motives. On the other hand they suspect the military's involvement to stem from a need for a new raison d'être in the post-Cold War era. As a result, civilian actors are divided among themselves regarding the appropriateness of collaborating with the military during humanitarian operations. Furthermore, any military initiatives on account of civic action or crisis management will be experienced as a potential threat to civilian organisations. Whenever the military involve themselves in civic action and crisis management, their involvement will evoke high levels of uncertainty and distrust. As a consequence, civilian actors will limit interaction with the military as much as possible and chances for the development of civil-military cooperation will be slim.
The third problem that inhibits civil-military cooperation stems from the fact that such relations are temporary. The need for cooperation is flexible and may vary according to the different stages of the operation. As the humanitarian operation continues, the specific demands for support change and usually the number of civilian aid-organisations increases. Both changes in demand and support affect the civilian parties' dependence on additional military resources. The need for civil-military cooperation seems to be highly demand-driven. This means that if and when the military are not able to timely adapt to the changing context, from a civilian point of view, civil-military alliances cease to be of use. (Always presuming of course, the security situation does not deteriorate). As mentioned before, contextual shifts, such as these, may cause serious management problems to commanders. In these situations military resources may be directed towards civic action. However, by performing these actions the military enter upon a domain that traditionally belongs to civilian aid organisations and run the risk to be regarded as competitors.
Fourthly, civil-military cooperation is inhibited under the circumstances when both sets of parties suspect each other of opportunistic behaviour concerning the use of resources and the purposes to cooperate. For instance, civilian actors may resist cooperating when they suspect the military will use their information for gathering intelligence.
Lastly, civil-military cooperation is impeded when exogenous political and strategic motives do not match the endogenous levels of interdependency, domain consensus and trust in the alliance. If strategic motives are communicated insufficiently civilian and military actors in the field may gather that they are forced to cooperate. The partners are strengthened in their conviction when it becomes more difficult to withdraw from the alliance from their own free will.
High levels of exogenous pressure require equally high levels of embeddedness and connectedness between both partner organisations. A prerequisite to these high levels of embeddedness and connectedness is a high level of confidence in partner cooperation. However, because relations in civil-military alliances usually are between partners unfamiliar to each other, high levels of confidence in partner cooperation cannot be expected from the onset. As a result, this lack of confidence may lead to the polarisation of civil-military relations. This means that mutual problems are not solved and differences of opinion or different operational cultures will not be accepted. As a result, civil-military cooperation will be minimised or else bogs down in conflict.
Suggestions to improve civil-military cooperation
Demand-driven civil-military cooperation
Civil-military alliances are essentially demand-driven. This means that the duration of the alliance is conditional on the demand for help. It is a characteristic of demand-driven civil-military alliances that its partners collectively agree upon the results of the alliance. For civil-military alliances to be effective there should be a fit between the military support and the demand for help.
By continuously monitoring the demand for help together with their civilian counterparts, the military can gain insight into the needs for civil-military cooperation.
The military can enhance their effectiveness as a partner in the alliance by improving their potential to adapt their resources, structures, goals and mind-sets to the demand for help.
The military role in civil-military cooperation
Civil-military cooperation and confidence in partner cooperation do not occur naturally. Shared goals and interdependencies are temporary only. Moreover, both sets of parties also pursue their own interests, thereby increasing the risk of opportunistic behaviour. Therefore, civil-military relations are the kind of relations in which both trust and distrust will be present simultaneously. During all stages of the operation, by a supporting and facilitating attitude the military will advance the increase of confidence in their cooperative behaviour.
By adhering to a facilitating and supporting attitude the military will contribute to the development of trust.
If the military take initiatives concerning relief activities or concerning the organisation and management of the crisis without consulting civilian actors, these actors will be distrustful towards the military motives. For this reason, civilian actors often prove to be reluctant to join military-led Cimic centres. Instead, the military might add their Cimic-officers to civilian-led centres for the coordination of the humanitarian operation. Civil-military collaboration will then be promoted because of the following reasons.Adding militaries to civilian-led centres for coordination and management reduces suspicions civilian actors may harbour against the military trying to take over;As opposed to military Cimic-centres, civilian-led structures will be open to access to any civilian actor;Intensive communication and information exchange on a day to day basis within civilian-led structures improves the insight into the demand for relief and in the kind of military assistance that is required;By using the military as a linking-pin between the coordinating and operational levels, both the pace and the effectiveness of the civil-military cooperation in the field are stimulated.
Adding the militaries to civilian-led centres for coordination will promote civil-military cooperation.
Communication and information exchange in civil-military cooperation
Intensive communication and information exchanges are necessary for trust formation between unfamiliar partners. This insight has caused an increase in formal structures in the field, such as military-led centres for Cimic and their US pendant Centers for Civil-Military Cooperation. At the civilian side there have emerged parallel structures such as Humanitarian Information Centers, Humanitarian Operations Centers and On-Site Operations and Coordination Centers. This abundance of formal structures has created confusion and uncertainty, instead of the much coveted clarity and trust.
Formal structures for communication and exchange of information that are freely accessible to all sets of partners will foster civil-military cooperation.
To be able to act adequately on the demands for help, formal structures have to operate at a local level, "outside the wire" away from military headquarters. Moreover, the informal settings in which civil-military relations take place are important to the alliance. By working shoulder to shoulder on a daily basis the interaction between both sets of partners develops in natural way. On the basis of open and informal contacts situational normality may develop. In relationships that are characterised by this form of trust, the partners will indeed depend on one another. Moreover, they will be able to accept criticism regarding their behaviour and they will be positively inclined to taking risks. Besides, openness promotes the transparency of civil-military relations, thereby reducing the risks of opportunistic behaviour by one of the parties involved.
Open and informal contacts between civilians andtheir military partners are necessary for trust formation.
In their training and education the military have to learn what behaviour and skills contribute to trust formation in order to cooperate with civilian actors.
Conflicts of interest during humanitarian operations
As is the case with regard to civil-military cooperation, collaboration among the different sets of civilian actors does not run smoothly. The interfaces between different sets of civilian actors, such as NGOs, UN-aid organisations and the authorities of host-countries are characterised by discontinuities that add to their conflictuous nature. Because they position themselves to a large extent on the same markets and they draw upon the same financial donors, relations between civilian aid organisations will be competitive. Coordination and information exchange usually run stiffly. To complicate matters even more, in comparison to the international aid organisations the authorities of host-countries often adhere to different motives and interests with regard to the military support.
The instrument of actor analysis can be used as a means to map out the various interests, resources and supporters. In this way the military achieve insight into the demands for help and into the goals and motives of their potential partners. Actor analysis enables the military to understand the sources of discontinuities and the various positions of authority. Besides, on the basis of actor analysis the military may anticipate changes in interdependencies and their effects on the civil-military alliances. Moreover, actor analysis increases the participants' awareness of their interdependencies, core-competencies and of their expectations concerning cooperation.
Interactions at an operational level may also influence actors at a strategic level and institutions beyond the interface situation itself. The military and their civilian partners should cooperate in making the actor analysis. This path leads to a collective evaluation of the cooperation processes and may enhance the capacity for interorganisational learning.
In view of the importance of both successful civil-military cooperation and the increase of the capacity for collective learning, during all collective operations the instrument of actor analysis should be used to provide feedback to both the civilian and military partners.
The best of two worlds? : methodology for participatory assessment of community water services
Wijk-Sijbesma, C. van - \ 2001
University. Promotor(en): P.L. Howard; N.G. Röling. - S.l. etc. : s.n.] [etc.] - ISBN 9789058085498 - 274
watervoorziening - gemeenschappen - buurtactie - sociale participatie - beoordeling - methodologie - water supply - communities - community action - social participation - assessment - methodology
Keywords: domestic water supply, community management, gender, poverty, program planning, program evaluation, monitoring, water policy, participatory methods, sustainability, use</p><p>The Methodology for Participatory Assessment, or MPA, is a new, multi-level instrument to combine sustainability analysis of community-managed domestic water services with the analysis of gender and poverty perspectives. Communities, projects, and programs have used, or are using, the methodology to evaluate processes and results, monitor and improve existing services, and plan new projects. The MPA allows all stakeholders - from better off and poor women and men in communities to program managers and investors - to use one set of methods and data to compare progress and identify key community and agency factors for project success and further strengthening. The MPA quantifies PRA data at the program and country level and makes them comparable. The book describes the objectives, the history, and the social and scientific background of the development of the methodology. This is followed by a detailed description and analysis of the methodology itself, with case studies of its use and impacts. Validation took place in a global study implemented by the World Bank Water and Sanitation Program in cooperation with IRC. In this study, women and men in 88 rural communities in 15 countries used the MPA to evaluate their domestic water supplies. This book presents the study results, the implications for policies and program planning of domestic water supply projects, and the lessons for training in and use of the methodology.</p>