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Strong families and declining fertility : a comparative study of family relations and reproductive careers in Soviet Ukraine
Hilevych, Yuliya - \ 2016
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Hilde Bras; Theo Engelen. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462579385 - 191
families - demography - family environment - family size - sociology of the family - contraception - ukraine - gezinnen - demografie - gezinsmilieu - gezinsgrootte - gezinssociologie - contraceptie - oekraïne

This dissertation focuses on the role of family and social relationships in individuals’ reproductive careers during the fertility decline in Soviet Ukraine from around 1950 to 1975. These three decades after the Second World War signified the end of the First Demographic Transition in Ukraine and other European republics of the Soviet Union, and some even define the period after the 1960s as the start of a latent depopulation in this part of Europe. However, this fertility decline that had already begun to manifest itself in the early 1920s gained speed within only a few generations as those who were born in families of six siblings in the 1920s and 1930s had only two children themselves in the 1950s, the 1960s and the 1970s.

Previous research has discussed these demographic changes on a macro-level for the Soviet and post-Soviet periods by typically linking these changes to the processes of modernisation and transformation. However, this singular focus on structural changes ignores the fact that relationships between people also adjust to politico-economic changes according to the social and family values that al- ready exist in society. As a result, old and new social (in)equalities, both outside and within the household, (re-) emerge alongside the politico-economic modernisation, which, in tandem, contribute to the formation of different demographic realities on a micro-level and different fertility trends on a macro-level. In this respect, social relationships should be seen as playing an intermediary role in the interplay between the formation of interpersonal inequalities and the politico- economic reality. Because they surround our everyday lives and choices, social relationships form a coherent social structure that helps us to interpret, to under- stand and to adjust to everyday reality, including state legal regulations, political ideology, and economic crises. The primary aim of this dissertation is to study the effects of family relationships and their continuities on changes in reproductive behaviour through a comparative regional perspective in Ukraine during the post-war fertility decline.The role of social relationships in reproductive behaviour is particularly important in the specific context of Ukraine as well as in the broader context of Eastern Europe, where family relationships have provided welfare in critical situations, such as childbearing, childcare and elderly care, both in the past and today. Sim- ilar to Southern Europe, the prevalence of strong family ties in Eastern Europe is also often connected to the high fertility rates in the pre-transitional context and to the rapid fertility decline to the lowest-low level in the 1990s and 2000s. The lowest-low fertility phenomenon is often referred to as a paradox of strong family and low fertility. Moreover, in the context of Ukraine, where regional dif- ferences remain pronounced in many aspects of social life, regional variations in fertility could also be linked to local family values. Considering this, the main research questions that I address in this dissertation are the following: (1) How did family and social relationships influence individual reproductive careers in Soviet Ukraine from around the 1950s to the 1970s? (2) How can local family systems and their associated power dynamics and social interdependencies help to understand fertility decline in Soviet Ukraine? Focusing on these post-war decades is also relevant for our understanding of historical and contemporary fertility decline in this part of Europe because these three decades were significant for the beginning of the Cold War, general liberalisation of the regime and the introduction of some family policies that are still enacted today.

On the theoretical level, I frame the empirical analysis of family and social influences on individual reproductive careers in a broader framework of local con- tinuities in family relationships and values, the so-called family systems. In this respect, individual reproductive careers are studied as processual characteristics of reproductive behaviour and long life experiences and include such life events as marriage, entrance into parenthood, abortion and birth control, and transition to second birth. By social influences I understand the ‘process by which attitudes, values or behaviour of an individual are determined by the attitudes, values or behaviour of others with whom he or she interacts’ (Bernardi, 2003, p. 535). I examine different patterns of social relationships, such as those between spouses, generations, siblings and peers. Based on the social influences stemming from family and social relationships, I try to characterise different power relationships and other social interdependencies underlying these relationships, which I then connect to the context of local family systems.

On the methodological level, this study is based on the analysis of various qual- itative methods, such as in-depth biographical interviews, life history calendars (LHC) and family photographs. The interviews were collected in two Ukrainian borderland cities: Lviv in western Ukraine and Kharkiv in eastern Ukraine. These sites allowed me to compare how family relationships were historically organised in Ukraine and how they actually shaped the informants’ reproductive decisions. This study also uses archival demographic data and secondary ethnographic materials as supplementary sources.

The empirical findings of this dissertation discuss different transitions of individual reproductive careers, namely marriage, entrance into parenthood, birth control and abortion, and transitions to second and later births, all of which I discuss in the context of family and peer relationships. In Soviet Ukraine, the transition to marriage was characterised by strong parental control over men’s and women’s pre-marital practices and sometimes also marital decisions. This strong parental control before marriage was not without consequences, as it seems to have created an imaginary dependency of children on their parents not only be- fore but also after marriage, which I associate with the persistence of paternalistic intergenerational values in family relationships in the two localities.

Similarly, the entrance into parenthood was also surrounded by frequent parental assistance, particularly when a couple tried to postpone their entrance into par- enthood. This pattern was also reinforced by the social learning from peers among the Kharkiv informants and social contagion from siblings(in-law) among the Lviv informants. That said, the actual decision to give birth was connected to the ex- pectations of help with childcare in the future. In this respect, I observed that if after the marriage a couple resided separately from their parents, they would also take greater responsibility for childcare, and grandparental support became an additional and temporary option, as it often was in Lviv. However, when spouses resided with either set of parents, they also tended to rely more on the parents in terms of childcare, which I more often observed in Kharkiv and less in Lviv.

These differences in dynamics of spousal and intergenerational relationships between the two localities became even more pronounced around abortion and birth control decisions and their practices after first birth. Spousal cooperation in birth control decision-making played an important role in how women exercised their agency in these decisions and which birth control methods the couple used and how effectively they used them. In couples where spouses communicated about birth control and abortion decisions, the women had fewer abortions, as was often the case in Lviv. These women did not feel the need to exercise their agency, as the husbands took over the responsibility of both birth control and abortion. When abortion was practiced as a routine method to limit family size, spouses did not communicate about birth control and abortion, as was the case in Kharkiv. In this situation, birth control was the husband’s responsibility and abortion was the wife’s. These women sought abortions to fulfil their own goals and, at the same time, to maintain the dominant patriarchal order in marital relationships as they understood it.

These differences in spousal cooperation with regard to birth control seem to have had direct implications for the transition to second and later births in the two localities. In Lviv, spouses continued to negotiate the timing of second and third births and the childcare arrangements, while still mainly relying on each other in these matters. In doing so, the Lviv informants often adopted a traditional male-breadwinning model, which allowed spouses to share the costs of childcare: husbands were responsible for material costs and wives for the emotional and instrumental costs. However, some women resumed working part-time or worked on jobs with more flexible working schedules after their child’s birth, and then spouses divided the material and instrumental costs of childcare more equally and without a traditional gender bias. In either case, the accumulated costs of childcare were often shared between spouses. This strategy often allowed couples to combine childcare after their first and second/third child, which seems to have been reinforcing for many couples in Lviv to adopt a shorter birth spacing strategy. In Kharkiv, in contrast, the timing of second and later births and childcare were mainly the women’s responsibility. Some continued to rely on grandparental support even after starting to reside separately. However, this support was not always available due to different factors such as the few possibilities for multi- generational co-residence or parental health issues. When women received little intergenerational and spousal support, they tended to delay transition to second birth until they felt more secure. Additionally, women in Kharkiv seem to have learned from each other’s experiences about the benefits of this strategy. As such, the adoption of the waiting strategy seems to have resulted in a more prolonged interval between first and second births, sometimes ten to fifteen years, which in other studies is defined as postponement as opposed to spacing. However, those women who did not meet the deadline for parenthood because they were still feeling too insecure to proceed with another birth never had a second child.

Overall, my findings illustrate that the ways in which family relationships were organised over the life course formulated different responses in the two local- ities to the emerging socio-economic conditions. Subsequently, these differences in responses were reflected in regional reproductive strategies. I suggest that these differences in responses have to do with the intrafamilial dependencies in the two localities: more couple-oriented (horizontal intrafamilial interdependen- cies) in Lviv and generations-oriented (vertical intrafamilial interdependencies) in Kharkiv. I also observe continuity in these two social interdependencies with the historical family systems and the intrafamilial (in)equalities produced within them in the past, namely a mix of nuclear-stem family system in Lviv and a joint family system in Kharkiv. In the early life, strong intergenerational connections characterising both family systems seem to have promoted early and universal entrance into marriage and parenthood in the past and during the Soviet time. Additionally, the Soviet family policy adopted many of these paternalistic and pronatalist values on the level of legal regulations, which meant that this re-productive ideology was reinforced within and outside the family. In later life, however, the intrafamily interdependencies start to differ in the two contexts, and this aspect is crucial to understand regional patterns in fertility decline. During the Soviet time, even though socio-economic constraints created more or less sim- ilar structural uncertainties in the both localities, these structural factors did not equally challenge intrafamilial interdependencies between spouse and generations. Subsequently, these local intrafamilial interdependencies resulted in different re- productive strategies on the micro-level and in their reflection on the macro-level fertility trends.

Altogether, these findings provide a fruitful ground for formulating future hy- potheses to be tested on larger and representative population samples. They also formulate important clues for policy makers by suggesting that a more relativist perspective that incorporates intrafamilial social inequalities and communication strategies is needed to regulate the issues of fertility decline and subsequently the process of population ageing, the latter of which may soon become a vital issue in this part of the world as well.

Contraceptie als methode in het beheer van hoefdierpopulaties
Kuiper, M.W. ; Wieren, S.E. van - \ 2010
Wageningen : Wageningen Universiteit (REG-rapport ) - 54
hoefdieren - natuurgebieden - contraceptie - populaties - ungulates - natural areas - contraception - populations
Bezorgdheid over dierenwelzijn en praktische problemen met lethale methoden hebben geleid tot de ontwikkeling van contraceptiemiddelen om hoefdierpopulaties te beheren. Vroege studies hebben enkele chemische sterilisatiemiddelen getest, maar de meeste daarvan zijn niet geschikt gebleken om in het wild levende hoefdieren mee te behandelen. Sommige zijn onpraktisch vanwege de noodzaak van herhaalde toediening of de grote volumes die geïnjecteerd moeten worden om effect te verkrijgen (o.a. (synthetische) hormonen), terwijl andere afvallen vanwege negatieve bijwerkingen op de gezondheid van behandelde dieren (o.a. DES, levonorgestrel). Een ander probleem van de meeste chemocontraceptiemiddelen is hun resistentie tegen biologische afbraak, waardoor de middelen via de voedselketen overgedragen kunnen worden of zich ophopen in het milieu. Het meest veelbelovende chemocontraceptiemiddel is waarschijnlijk de GnRH-agonist leuprolide, dat wel biologisch afbreekbaar is.
Family planning and status of women in Indonesia.
Niehof, A. - \ 1994
Groningen : Fac. Spatial Sciences, Groningen (Demographic reports 17) - 28
geboortecijfers - demografie - gezinsplanning - indonesië - recht - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - contraceptie - birth rate - demography - family planning - indonesia - law - woman's status - women - contraception
Socio-culturele structuur en innovatie : een structuur-vergelijkend onderzoek naar adoptie van family planning in de periode 1969 - 1973 door Sundanese echtparen in twee rurale gemeenschappen op West-Java
Norren, B. van - \ 1985
Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): R.A.J. van Lier. - Wageningen : Van Norren - 533
geboortecijfers - contraceptie - culturele verandering - culturele ontwikkeling - cultuur - demografie - gezinsplanning - java - echtelijke verhouding - mannen - relaties - plattelandsgemeenschappen - sociologie - vrouwen - getrouwde personen - birth rate - contraception - cultural change - cultural development - culture - demography - family planning - marital interaction - men - relationships - rural communities - sociology - women - married persons

This publication contains a comparative study of socio- cultural influences on the process of family planning adoption during the period 1969-1973 in two rural communities in the regency of Bandung, West Java, Indonesia. One community, to be called Cianyar, is a ward in an agrarian village, while the other, Citonggoh, constitutes a large dairy and vegetable farm. A few hundred people live in each community.

The book consists of two parts. In Part One. "The Theoretical Framework", a research model and two research questions are introduced. In the model society is viewed as a tension system of elements which interact on two structural levels: a basic structure of elements from which strong stucturing influences on other elements emanate, and a derived structure of elements which constitutes itself as a reaction upon structuring influences from the basic structure. In the section of society studied, namely the participation system of family planning acceptors and relevant others. the basic structure is thought to consist of four substructures: a material, a social, a cultural and a psychic substructure. The derived structure is thought to consist of the network and the definitions of the situation of acceptors and relevant others. The adoptions of family planning themselves constitute the third level of the research model. On the basis of this model we have formulated as our first research question the task to explain comparatively observed adoptions of family planning in terms of the two categories of network and definitions of the situation as the derived structure of the participation system, and subsequently to explain the network and the definitions of the situation themselves in terms of the four basic substructures of the participation system (chapter 1).

In chapter 2 the elements constituting the four basic substructures are introduced and specified. Among other things the cultural ideal of the authoritative-harmonic community is mentioned and defined. The concepts of substrate (= the division of the scarce means of property, power, knowledge and strategic contacts among the community members), social position (= an actor's disposal of these scarce means) and social class (= a category of actors with corresponding social positions) are introduced. Subsequently the community is defined as consisting of three social classes: a higher, a middle and a lower class. In order to explain observed differences between the derived structures of Cianyar and Citonggoh, four basic structural elements with very different values or forms in the two communities have been selected. These are (1) the material element of infrastructural access to the family planning clinic, (2) the social element of substrate, (3) the social element of presence of factions in the community and (4) the psychic element of type of leadership exercised in the community.

In chapter 3 the elements of the two categories of network and definitions of the situation of the derived structure are introduced and specified.

In the fourth and concluding chapter of Part One the second research question is introduced as an attempt to typify observed adoptions of family planning as modern or not modern on the basis of a clearly defined concept of (individual) modernization. In order to distinguish adoptions which are "really" modern from adoptions which are only "apparently" modern, the concept of pseudo-modernization is introduced.

In Part Two, "Data and Interpretation", the two research tasks are separately carried out, the first one by successively analysing the adoption processes of Cianyar and Citonggoh in a directly comparable way in accordance with the research model (chapters 5 - 8 and 9 - 13), and the second one by typifying the observed adoptions of Citonggoh and Cianyar as modern or pseudo-modern in accordance with the concept of modernization (chapter 14). In the conclusions of the study (chapter 15) the results of the two research questions are logically and empirically combined.

Cianyar (ch. 5-8)

The circumstances of the fieldwork in the ward Cianyar of the village Ciendah are briefly discussed in chapter 5. In chapter 6 the political history of the village Ciendah during the period 1950-1975 is treated as a continuous contest for village power between two groups in the village: a moderately progressive group of village officials and school teachers and their following, headed by the relatively rich family of the village head, and a conservative group of orthodox local religious leades and their following, headed by one relatively rich family also. During this period of 25 years all major village offices were continuously held by members of the former group, the latter being

continuously in political opposition. It is shown that during the whole period the willingness of orthodox leaders to cooperate with village officials in implementing government development programs varied inversely with their momentary political power in the village.

In chapter 7 the composition of the basic structure of Cianyar is discussed. In (anticipated) comparison with Citonggoh it is shown that Cianyar is characterized by bad infrastructural access to the family planning clinic, a poly-pyramidal substrate (by which is meant unequal division of the four scarce means among the community members and the concentration of these means in the hands of various individuals from different social and occupational categories), presence of an orthodox faction in the community and absence of charismatic leadership.

In the following chapter 8 the composition of the derived structure is dealt with by means of an analysis of the local family planning programme and its development over time. The social and class positions of all actors studied were determined. The contents of the programme, its implementation, and the reations of receptors (eligible couples) were separately discussed, the essentials of which are summarized below.

(1) For several years the orthodox leaders dominated a public opinion which strongly condemned family planning. Mainly because in 1972 the orthodox leaders quite suddenly lost their (political) power in the community, could public opinion quickly change from strongly anti- to moderately in favour of family planning.

(2) Under the strongly limiting conditions of a poly-pyramidal substrate, presence of an orthodox faction and lack of charismatic leadership qualities, the most important executors of the programme, the ward head of Cianyar and his wife themselves, chose for cautious manoeuvring. They only approached couples with two or more children among the village poor, in particular those working as day labourers on their rice fields. Only after public opinion had changed did they start motivating couples belonging to the orthodox community. The ward heed almost exclusively motivated men, his wife almost exlusively women. Usually they cautiously spoke of family planning as a modern means for spacing births only. In terms of our own typology of informal leadership positions (introduced in Part One) the ward head and his wife behaved as advisors towards their receptors.

(3) Within the group of non-orthodox couples of Cianyar the adoption process started early 1970 among the school teachers of the higher class. One and a half year later (mid 1971) the process started among the beca drivers, small farmers and small officials of the middle class, and three months later (end 1971) it commenced among the agricultural labourers and plaiters of bambu walls of the lower class in the community. So within the non-orthodox group of the community the adoption process commenced in all three social classes well before public opinion started to change (1972). Within the group of orthodox couples the process started relatively late (mid 1972) among the larger farmers and traders of the higher class and the beca drivers of the middle class. Six months later (beginning 1973) the process commenced among the agricultural labourers and plaiters of the lower class. So within the orthodox group of the community the adoption process started in all three social classes only after public opinion had commenced to change(1972). At the end of chapter 8 it is concluded that, because of the motivating activities of the ward head and his wife, in both groups of the community the adoption process among the couples of the middle and the lower classes has been advanced and accelerated in time.

Citonggoh (ch. 9-13)

After a brief discussion of the circumstances of the fieldwork in Citonggoh (chapter 9) the recent history and the organizational structure of the enterprise are described in chapter 10. From mid 1969 till the end of 1973 the enterprise was run by a new Indonesian director who succeeded in making the farm profitable again after near bankruptcy in 1968.

In chapter 11 the composition of the basic structure of Citonggoh is discussed. In comparison with Cianyar it is shown that Citonggoh is characterized by good infrastructural access to the family planning clinic. a mono-pyramidal substrate (by which is meant concentration of the four scarce means in the hands of one person, the director), absence of (orthodox) factions in the community, and exertion of charismatic leadership, again by the director. It is also shown that the families of nearly all employees - that is director, staffmembers, foremen and labourers - live within the area and in the houses of the enterprise.

In chapter 12 the character of the director's leadership and power and its development over time are studied by means of an analysis of the contents, implementation and results of a large number of his policy measures. Special attention is given to his interventions pertaining to age at marriage, polygyny, divorce, childbirth and other aspects in the realm of private and family life of his subordinates. Among other things the conclusion is drawn that the director exerted authoritative as well as authoritarian leadership. As an authoritative leader who provides quidance on the basis of exceptional qualities only, the director disposed of his disproportionately large (modern) knowledge and of his charismatic personality. As an authoritarian leader who expects obedience. he could (if he wished) make use of several formal sanctions (like prohibiting to make use of the clinical facilities of the enterprise, prohibiting to live on its area and the very heavy sanction of dismissal) and also of several informal sanctions (like making public personal matters of subordinates).

In chapter 13 the composition of the derived structure of Citonggoh is dealt with by means of an analysis of the director's family planning programme and its development over time. The essentials of the programme's contents, its implementation and reactions of receptors are summarized below.

(1) The director considered family planning as an excellent modern means for couples to plan births in all three phases of the family cycle: for young couples to delay the birth of their first child, for couples with one or more children to space the births of additional children, and for couples who had already reached or exceeded their desired number of children, to stop bearing children. Secondly. he felt that all fecund couples of Citonggoh irrespective of one's phase in the family cycle should become acceptors.

(2) The three conditions of a mono-pyramidal substrate with power being concentrated in the hands of the director, the latter's charismatic personality, and absence of an oppositional (orthodox) faction in the community offered the director as head of his own family planning programme ample opportunity to enforce acceptance by employing the formal and informal sanctions mentioned. In his position of powerful and charismatic leader the director chose for a strategy of differential pressure. All couples who in his opinion could easily understand family planning because they were well educated were not approached. The great majority of these couples belonged to the higher class and higher middle class of the community. All others, the great majority of whom were couples of the lower middle and lower class, were motivated by means of "active persuasion" as the director put it himself, by which he meant: incessant and intensive personal motivation without using any means of coercion. Those who (silently) refused were called to the office to be persuaded again. And again and again if necessary, untill they finally decided to accept. Put in our own terminology this means, that from the motivating activities of the director two influences emerged: on the one hand a real-modern influence because of his incessant efforts to explain family planning to his receptors in terms of the culture concept of rational control of one's own life situation, and on the other hand a dual, classdifferentiated pseudo-modern pressure. This pressure was a double one, because it was authoritative as well as autoritarian (imposing something and at the same time concealing possible sanctions is actually a form of intimidation), and it was class-differentiated because couples belonging to different classes were differentially exposed. In the execution of his family planning programme the director closely cooperated with the nurse of the enterprise. It was the nurse who located potential acceptors and kept track of all motivated couples. Together the director and the nurse performed an a very efficient team.

(3) The adoption process in Citonggoh started shortly after the beginning of the programs among the couples of the middle and the lower classes, by the end of 1969. Among the (young) couples of the higher class, who could decide in freedom, the process started relatively lare (mid 1971). During the period 1969-1973 nearly all potential acceptors of Citonggoh had accepted family planning. At the end of chapter 13 it is concluded that, because of the motivating activities of the director of the enterprise, the adoption process among the couples of the middle and lower classes has been advanced and accelerated in time.

In chapter 14 the hypothesis is tested that social pressure from authority or public opinion leads to pseudomodernization. The hypothesis is only slightly confirmed. Only three cases of pseudomodernization in its full extent were encountered in Cianyar, none in Citonggoh. In Citonggoh pseudo-modernization only seems to have occured a few times as an aspect of real-modern adoption. These and other observations led to the conclusion that in alle three social classes of both communities the great majority of fecund couples possesed an unespectedly strong modern mentality in matters concerning planning births of children.

In chapter 15 the theoretical essentials of the comparative study are restated and several theoretical conclusions drawn, the most important one being recapitulated here: The community leaders of Cianyar and Citonggoh have executed their family planning programmes on the same cultural basis of a twofold ideal of real modernization and exertion of leadership in accordance with the ideal of the authoritativeharmonic community. Because of the structuring influences of four basis structural elements with very different values and forms in the two communities, the two programmes have been very different in their contents and implementation. However, probably due to the unexpectedly strong modern mentality among the couples of all three social classes in both communities both programs have essentially had the same effect of advancing and accelerating the adoption process among the couples of the middle and lower classes.

Oral contraceptives and rheumatoid arthritis: further epidemiologic evidence for a protective effect
Vandenbroucke, J.P. - \ 1983
Rotterdam : Vandenbroucke - 136
artritis - contraceptie - gewrichtsziekten - arthritis - contraception - joint diseases
Vrijwillig kinderloze vrouwen : verkenningen rond een keuze
Bandt, M.L. den - \ 1982
Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): G.A. Kooy. - Wageningen : den Bandt - 378
sociologie - verwantschap - gezinnen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - besluitvorming - demografie - gezinsplanning - geboortecijfers - contraceptie - vrouwenbeweging - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - personen - sociology - kinship - families - woman's status - women - decision making - demography - family planning - birth rate - contraception - women's movement - feminism - woman and society - persons

This research on voluntarily childless married women was carried out by the direction of the "Netionaal Programma Demografisch Onderzoek (NPDO) (National Program for Demographic Research). To all appearances, the percentage of voluntarily childless married couples is increasing in various western countries, including the Netherlands. This makes this relatively new topic of research extra interesting.

The problem-definition of the research was as follows:
- Which factors influence the choice for voluntary childlessness? How does the decision-making process around this choice take place?
- What role does women's emancipation play?
- As the number of women who do not conform with traditional sex-roles increases, will the number of voluntarily childless women also increase?

In the research design I tried to link the findings of research abroad (Bram, 1974; Veevers, 1973b) and my own observations on the role of women in society with the Fishbein theoretical model on behavioral intention (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975).

The sample was drawn from the 90,000 inhabitants of a city in the western part of the country. All the women who had been married for at least 3 years, were under age 35 and who had no children were sampled (about 1200). A control group of 100 mothers with the same characteristics, but with one child no more than 2 years old, was also drawn from this population. These preliminary subjects received a letter of introduction and a small screening questionnaire. As a result of these questionnaires four groups of women were selected (N=170). Because of the non-normal distribution of the voluntarily childless in the general population, the childless sample was supplemented by subjects chosen in a purposive manner. A lengthy (2-4 hours) personal interview was conducted with open-ended and pre-coded questions. (Material collected in 1978). A total of 158 of the respondents was used in the final analysis, the four groups are:
1- Voluntary childless WC): 65 women who ware sure that they wanted to be permanently childless;
2- Hesitators (H): 43 women who were (very much) in doubt whether they wanted to have children;
3- Delays (D): 23 women who were delaying having children;
4- Mothers (M): 29 women who had one child age 2 or younger.

The research report comprises 14 chapters.

In chapter 1 it is established that no reliable data on the numbers of VC within a population are available. This is partly due to incorrect interrogation during fertility surveys and other such research, where the desire for children was always presumed. This also holds true for the Netherlands: considerably more material concerning voluntary childlessness could have been available if the right questions had been asked in earlier research. On account of the predicted massive increase in the percentage of VC among recently contracted marriages in the Netherlands (an expected 18 to 20% of marriages contracted in 1980 and later (among others: CBS, 1976; Frinking & Niphuis-Nell, 1979)), a change in the way of thinking around motherhood can be established.

In chapter 2, the results of research done recently in the Netherlands and abroad concerning the backgrounds of the VC are reviewed. The fact that the VC are under considerable social pressure to conform with the pronatalist norm also comes up for discussion; although according to the results of national opinion polls, the VC are less disapproved of than some 15 years ago.

In chapter 3, the choice of Fishbein's theoretical model is accounted for. This model emphasizes the importance of two basic social-psychological concepts that were traditionally treated independently - the "attitude concept" and the "concept of social norm". This theoretical model provides a bridge between these two approaches to the study of human behavior. In addition, Veevers' decision-making typology for the VC (1973b) is described; this was tested during this research. A schedule was constructed in order to clarify the notion of sex-roles. A description of the sex-role socialization is given, in the course of which it is made clear that girls are still "programmed" for motherhood.

In chapter 4 an account is given of the criteria which were required of the population to be investigated and the recruit ment and other technical details of the preliminary stage of the field work and the field work itself are discussed.

In the subsequent chapters, the research results are presented. Chapter 5 is one of the central chapters of the report as it comprises the results of measurements using the Fishbein model. The attitude-items for the model were derived from questionnaires. used during the "Nationaal Onderzoek Vruchtbaarheids- en Ouderschapsmotivatie" (NOVOM) (National Research on Fertility and Parenthood Motivation) and those used by Bram (1974). These in turn were based on Arnold & Fawcett's "Value of Children scale" (Niphuis-Nell, 1976) and Hoffman & Hoffman's model of the values and costs of children (Bram, 1974) respectively. Both attitude and subjective norm components appeared to be good predictors of behavioral intention. The multiple correlation of attitude (Σb.e) and subjective norm (ΣNB.MC) with the behavioral intention was .74 (p<.001).

Twenty of the thirty-nine attitude-items which were taken into account showed significant differences between the four groups; the differences between VC and M being the most obvious. The VC saw fewer satisfactions and more "costs" as consequences of having children than the other groups. It is remarkable that the scores of the H were very often near those of the VC, and the scones of the D near those of the M. Personal freedom, the opportunity to work outdoors and to do things spontaneously with one's spouse were very important for the VC.

As far as the normative component is concerned, the following can be mentioned: in four of the nine subjective norm-items significant differences between the groups could be established. The respondents did not care much about the opinion of others (referents) with regard to having children. An exception was the husband, who was the most important referent for all four groups, but the "motivation to comply" of the VC was significant ly lower.

The attitude and subjective norm components together formed 54% of accounted for variance of behavioral intention. A detailed reconstruction of the course of the decision-making process of the VC brought to light that Veevers' decision-making typology is only applicable to very few of the VC in this research. (This conforms with the experiences of the VC in the NOVOM-research). Veevers' notion that first "delaying" VC would, to a large extent, implicitly decide to remain voluntarily childless also appeared not to apply to these VC respondents: nearly 75% of them said that they had made an explicit decision (chapter 61. All this could be a consequence of the phenomenon of voluntary childlessness becoming better known and more discussable in the Netherlands in the second half of the seventies.

In answering open-ended questions on consequences of having children and on the respondents' motivation "to parent or not to parent", freedom again is a very important consideration for the VC. Many of them were worried about the chances children would have in this world (because of over-population, pollution, danger of war and the like).

The motives which were mentioned turned out to link up well with the scores of the various groups on the attitude-items of the Fishbein model (chapter 7).

In chapter 8 the social pressure to procreate, which 60% of the respondents said they were under, is described. Parents and in-laws were mentioned most as the source of this pressure (68% of those mentioned). The reaction of the respondents in actual and hypothetical social pressure situations was usually said to be rejective. This tallies with the scores on the normative component of the Fishbein model, where a minimal motivation to comply emerged. In general the VC appeared to be the most sensitive in pronatal pressure situations.

Nearly all the respondents turned out to have either a positive or a neutral opinion of VC (they think that those concerned should decide for themselves).

The VC were highly dedicated to upholding their childfree lifestyle. Almost one third of them reported their own or their spouse's sterilization, and most others ware inclined to be sterilized in the (near) future (chapter 9).

In chapters 10, 11 and 12 the results of a number of questions concerning childhood background variables, demographic variables and situational variables are described. As was mentioned earlier, the contents of these questions were partly inspired by the results of foreign research on VC. With the aid of the chi-square test, the question of whether VC differed on all these points from other groups of respondents was looked into. Not many significant differences were found hare. The childhood situation of the VC were pretty much the same as those of other respondents and the social-demographic characteristics hardly differed either. The only fact worth mentioning is that a significantly higher percentage of M felt religously bound. The differences which manifested themselves in the situational variables can be mainly attributed to the differences in situation of all the (still) childless on the one hand and M on the other (among others: less opportunities to work outdoors, lower family income, more household duties etc.) . One outcome which seems interesting at first sight, viz. the lack of difference in the average educational level between the groups, will be cancelled when those who are currently following some form of higher education complete their studies: then the M will fall behind. (However, it was established that within the group of respondents there was an unintentional over-representation of women with a higher educational level compared to the national percentages which may be expected for women with the same demographic characteristics).

Chapter 13 mentions first of all that measurements with the aid of existing scales of personality characteristics such as self-esteem, assertiveness and sensitivity towards criticism, brought no significant differences to light. However, other points did result in interesting differences. During the investigation, it was supposed that the more a woman perceives the existing sex-roles and the resulting positional distribution in society as traditional and restrictive for women (and especially for mothers), while she herself has a modern sex~ role conception, the more she will consider the consequences of motherhood more seriously than a woman with a traditional sex-role conception. The latter will see motherhood as a must in order to prove herself as a woman and feel content. Two scales constructed during this research in order to map the sex-role perception and sex-role conception of the respondents yield remarkable differences between the groups. In accordance with expectations, the sex-role perception of the VC was the most traditional and the sex-role conception of the VC (and the H) the most modern. The discrepancy between sex-role perception and sex- role conception was greatest within the group of VC. The VC were more positive towards women's lib than the M.

In chapter 14, the connection is made between the Fishbein model and the "external" variables described in chapters 10, 11, 12 and 13. The results of the correlation of relevant external variables with behavioral intention are given. The correlations were generally weak: <.30. The highest correlating variables were to do with emancipation, a job outdoors, valuation of household duties and religion. For the significance of the correlations, partial correlations were calculated in order to check whether the relationship between the external variable concerned and the behavioral intention ran via the attitudecomponent, the subjective norm component or both. Most of the relationships disappeared, in particular via the attitudecomponent. The only variable which appeared to have a direct relationship with fertility intention was a preference for a full- time to a part-time job (this was highest among the VC). This put the total accounted for variance at 56%.

From the research results, it can be established that socialpsychological factors have the most influence on the forming of behavioral intention to remain VC and that the VC cannot be distinguished in any obvious way from the other groups of women as far as social-demographic, situational characteristics and childhood background are concerned.

A distinction between "primary" and "secondary" VC is proposed. Primary VC will stick by their decision under all circumstances, secondary VC, however, could reconsider their decision (e.g. because of a lack of employment opportunities or social changes which meant that bringing up and caring for children would not be the sole responsibility of the woman). The research results support predictions of an increase in the percentage of marriages remaining VC, where women's lib seems to be an important condition.

Population regulation : a biological or a physical phenomenon (1960 t/m 1980)
Anonymous, - \ 1980
Wageningen : Pudoc (Literatuurlijst / Centrum voor Landbouwpublikaties en Landbouwdocumentatie nr. 4376)
bibliografieën - contraceptie - gezinsplanning - bevolking - veranderingen in de bevolking - theorie - bibliographies - contraception - family planning - human population - population change - theory
Ontstaan, doel en werkprogramma van de Commissie voor het geboorte - onderzoek
Hofstee, E.W. - \ 1949
Amsterdam : Unknown Publisher (Publicatie / Commissie voor het geboorte-onderzoek. Instituut voor sociaal onderzoek van het Nederlandse volk no. 1) - 32
geboortecijfers - demografie - gezinsplanning - contraceptie - birth rate - demography - family planning - contraception
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