Staff Publications

Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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(In)Formal memoryscapes and the unma(s)king of a Malaysian war heroine
Muzaini, H.B. - \ 2014
Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 35 (2014)3. - ISSN 0129-7619 - p. 382 - 396.
postapartheid south-africa - gender - landscape - geography - singapore - monument - feminism - place
The geographical literature on the politics tied to formal commemorations of the past is a burgeoning one. Yet, there has been less attention paid to similar practices undertaken by nonstate agents seeking to ensure that what is written out of official history is not forgotten. This paper explores how and why the story of Sybil Kathigasu, a woman who played a salient role in the resistance movement against the Japanese during the Second World War in Perak, Malaysia, has been peripheralized within formal memory making even as it has been informally revived elsewhere. It specifically suggests that, while the sidelining of her story may be the product of the tendency of the state of Perak to downplay its war past, Sybil's gender, race and political ideologies have also made it more difficult for her to be embraced as a ‘national’ heroine. Drawing on a private museum that was set up in her honor in Papan, the paper also reveals how factors impeding her formal remembrance also have implications for alternative efforts to recover her story. More broadly, the paper offers insights into women's absences in Malaysian public memory, and argues the need for more emphasis on memoryscapes ‘from below’ as a means of nuancing local remembrance politics.
Feminization of agricultural production in rural China : a sociological analysis
Meng, X. - \ 2014
University. Promotor(en): Jandouwe van der Ploeg, co-promotor(en): J. Ye; H. Wu. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789461738158 - 178 p.
vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - landbouwproductie - plattelandsvrouwen - familiebedrijven, landbouw - feminisme - sociologie - geslacht (gender) - man-vrouwrelaties - positie van de vrouw - vrouwenemancipatie - vrouwen - landbouw - plattelandsontwikkeling - china - female labour - agricultural production - rural women - family farms - feminism - sociology - gender - gender relations - woman's status - emancipation of women - women - agriculture - rural development
Rural-urban migration of male labour force is an unstoppable process in China. Although some women also migrate to work in cities, most of these women return to the villages after marriage. They need to take care of the children and the family and to work on their smallholder farms. In general, women‟s labour participation in agriculture has increased due to the migration of the male labourers and they have become the main labour force in smallholder agriculture. This thesis is a sociological analysis on the impact of this change on the situation of these women and on smallholder agriculture from the women‟s perspective.
Wedlock or deadlock? Feminists' attempts to engage irrigation engineers
Zwarteveen, M.Z. - \ 2006
University. Promotor(en): Linden Vincent. - Wageningen : Ponsen & Looijen - ISBN 9085043980 - 304 p.
irrigatie - man-vrouwrelaties - beleid - attitudes - geslacht (gender) - feminisme - denken - irrigation - gender relations - policy - gender - feminism - thinking
Peasant women and access to land : customary law, state law and gender-based ideology : the case of the Toba-Batak (North Sumatra)
Simbolon, I.J. - \ 1998
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): F. von Benda-Beckmann. - S.l. : Simbolon - ISBN 9789054858874 - 324 p.
bezit - land - grondeigendom - sociale klassen - boeren - grondbeleid - economie - pachtstelsel - ruimtelijke ordening - landgebruik - zonering - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - sumatra - vrouwenbeweging - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - property - land ownership - social classes - farmers - land policy - economics - tenure systems - physical planning - land use - zoning - woman's status - women - women's movement - feminism - woman and society
<p>This study is about opportunities, constraints and strategies regarding access to land of peasant women who live in the changing Toba-Batak patrilineal community of North Sumatra. Their access to land is seen in the wider context of the ongoing pressure of land scarcity due to individualization, statization and privatization of communal land. The study challenges the adequacy of ongoing research on peasant women's access rights to land in developing countries. It challenges first, the adequacy of feminist theories in handling cross-cultural aspects of power and gender relation; secondly, the adequacy of peasantry theories to deal with peasant women; and thirdly, the adequacy of legal theories in understanding the complexity of plural normative orderings in developing countries.</p><p>All in all, the study challenges the assumption that individual private property and control over land under the state legal framework is the ultimate way to secure the well being and empowerment of women. The objectives of the study are threefold. First, to show how different normative and institutional frameworks order the allocation of land resources. Secondly, to understand how colonial, religious, state, economic and political frameworks affect women, by underpinning local patterns of inequality. Thirdly, to assess the possibilities for differential access rights to land by peasant women and men.</p><p>The study attempts to answer two sets of questions. The first sets of questions relates to changing familial and inter-lineage relation to land and its impact on women. How have the Toba-Batak conceptualised access rights to land over time? What changes have been brought about by the German missionaries, Dutch colonial administration and post-colonial state? Do women benefit from the plural normative orderings in acquiring access rights to land? The second set of questions relates to the pressure on communal land and its impact on women. What is the importance and function of communal land in Toba-Batak society? How does control over communal land shift to the state and private investors? What are the implications of the diminishing of communal land to local villagers? What kind of overt and covert resistance do they reveal? How do they strategize their access to land in relations to the state's increasing control over land?</p><p>Following chapter one which provides the overall background of the study, chapter two introduces the situation of the Toba-Batak changing society in colonial times where the inception of legal pluralism has started to occur. The first western influence, Protestant Christianity, introduced quot;a process of individualization and secularization" to the Toba-Batak society . The christianization of the Toba-Batak had, to a great extent, smoothed the path for the Dutch to gain a strong foothold. Both the Germans and the Dutch had, in different ways, introduced the idea of incorporating leadership beyond the traditional spatial-lineage areas, characterized by a rigid hierarchical power structure. But it was the power of the state (in this case colonial rule) that was becoming more and more central to the further process of change, even though this power had been under continuous attack both by the (German) missionaries and the Toba-Batak themselves.</p><p>The western colonial influence affected all areas of life, including those related to land and the position of women. Land tenure was selectively detached from its relation to the sacred nature of <em>adat</em> and from the essence of the <em>adat</em> community as "an association of worship whose members every once in a while strengthened the union among themselves or the union with the ancestors through celebrations". The efforts to ideologically detach land matters from the sacred nature of the <em>adat</em> created room to re-negotiate new relations to land, both internally within lineage relations and externally with outside actors. The changing internal relations may concern gender, as was the case with the education of female students and various more gender-neutral colonial jurisprudence. The promotion of the principle of gender equality into the Toba-Batak rigid, patrilineal society is, therefore, to be seen in the wider process of the "de-sacralization of adat". Likewise, the changing external land relations may be concerned with the emerging of (new) outside actors in accessing, managing and allocating the local land, a process in which the (colonial)state, individual Bataks and non-Bataks and private companies come into the picture.</p><p>Chapter three demonstrates how contemporary Toba-Batak society is affected by the increasing power of the (post-colonial) state, especially during the New Order period. The Toba-Batak has become one local part of the wider Indonesian state that tries to develop its national economy. A major attempt to pursue the unification and centralisation project of the state is through the expansion of state modern bureaucracy and administration down to village level while neutralizing the <em>adat</em> principles and authorities which are often considered inconsistent with (universal) national ideals of justice (cf., Wignjosoebroto 1994 and 1997). Contrary to the patrilineal and highly patriarchal Toba-Batak <em>adat</em> , the Indonesian Constitution incorporates the principle of gender equality for all citizens. With the strengthening of state power, there are competing rights and rules pertaining to land, deriving from different sets of authority: the state and the <em>adat</em> . This multiplicity of rights and rules governing the land is not situated in a vacuum, but in the context of a dynamic process of land concentration <em>vis-a-vis</em> land scarcity. State intervention in the process of statization and privatization has been driven by contradictory forces between national economic ambition on the one hand, and the urgency for a more sustainable local resource management on the other.</p><p>Chapter four and five result from the field-work in North Sumatra. Chapter four deals with the issue of access rights to land in a relatively normal daily life situation of internal village and lineage relations, based on a village study conducted in Siraja Hutagalung. Because of the pressure of land scarcity, the basic traditional practice of acquiring land through clearing an empty land or forest no longer occurs. This results in the two categories of acquiring access rights to land, namely the "generational and affinal transactions" which are heavily gender-biased and "reciprocal and economic transactions" which are geared towards fulfilling the function of an equitable distribution of basic livelihood, augmenting economic benefits and confirming each other's political position within the kinship and residential unit. Gender-based arrangement in accessing rights to land is the foremost and the only traditional way to keep the land within the restricted boundaries of the patrilineage.</p><p>Chapter five provides an analysis of the ongoing conflicts on communal land that presently mark the relationships between the local people, the state authorities and private enterprise. The chapter demonstrates how the different notions of Toba-Batak's and women's access rights to (communal)land from different levels of normative orders and institutions are challenged, contested, conceded and reconfirmed. The discussion is located in the wider context of the changing political-economy because of the incorporation into the national economy. Three cases presented, namely Dolok Martalitali, Sugapa and Parbuluan, indicate how peasant men and women are affected by, and at the same time react to, the ongoing statization and privatization process of land under the state legal framework.</p><p>In chapter six I return to conclude the various factors of change among the Toba-Batak which affect the "layered structure of property regimes" (Benda-Beckmann, forthcoming). The multifold function attributed to land proves to be the most important factor in explaining the attitude of Toba-Batak peasant women towards the rule of patrilineality in accessing rights to land within inter-lineage and familial relations. The current shift of allocation rights over communal land from the <em>adat</em> community to the state has noticeably marginalised the residing local people and the <em>adat</em> community both in the initial process of land transfer and in the subsequent process of deciding its use and exploitation. The findings of the study support the argument that the state development policy and practice often place more emphasis on the economic function of land while neglecting other functions a communal land might have for the local people. For women, it is the temporal dimension of the socio-economic security aspect of communal land affecting their reproductive task which is at stake in the process of land expropriation.</p><p>I discuss some theoretical implications of the study. Rather than looking at kinship as a clear-cut and self-evident factor of hindering gender-equality or enabling it, the empirical study on Toba-Batak society has suggested that kinship simultaneously functions as both enabling and hindering factor for women's access rights to land under different circumstances. I am of the opinion that there is no such thing as gender solidarity among Toba-Batak women because their identity is shaped more by their kinship affiliation and position of seniority within kinship ranks rather than simply by gender. On the other hand, it is the resistance of peasant women against any outside intervention that makes the Toba-Batak struggle over communal land into a basic struggle over both resources and meanings as well as a struggle that shapes the borderline between the local groups' interests and that of the private investors <em>vis-a-vis</em> the state.</p><p>The study also indicates that legal pluralism is a fact while the claim that state law is the only law is rather mythical. Based on this, the study concludes that gender-equality claim that state legal structures and norms directly cause and determine action for the betterment of women is highly questionable. The introduction of state law into matters related to land tends to detach land rights from wider social relationships, thereby neutralizing the restriction to endow land to women as well as the alienation of land to outsiders. These are seen in principal as opposing their Toba-Batak adat of patrilineality. On the other hand, in the cases relating to the expropriation of communal, the state law and judiciary system are seen as threatening rather than defending the interests of peasant women and the local community against the interests of private investors.</p>
The role of gender in farming household decision-making in Yaan, south-western China
Huajie, C. - \ 1996
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): Anke Niehof; P.J.P. Zuurbier. - S.l. : Huajie Chen - ISBN 9789054855613 - 108
huishoudens - arbeid (werk) - arbeidsverdeling - huishoudelijk werk - familiebedrijven, landbouw - sociale structuur - geslacht (sex) - besluitvorming - vrouwen - China - geslacht (gender) - feminisme - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - households - labour - division of labour - housework - family farms - social structure - sex - decision making - women - gender - feminism - emancipation of women - female equality

Het onderzoek waarvan de resultaten in dit proefschrift worden beschreven heeft als belangrijkste doelstelling licht te werpen op de rol van vrouwen in besluitvorming met betrekking tot bedrijfsbeslissingen in agrarische gezinsbedrijven in Yaan, Zuidwest China. Tevens beoogt deze studie een bescheiden bijdrage te leveren aan de ontwikkeling van de rurale sociologie in de Volksrepubliek China. De onderzoekster hoopt dat de onderzoeksresultaten kunnen worden gebruikt door agrarische voorlichters en planners en aldus zullen bijdragen aan plattelandsontwikkeling in China.

In het eerste gedeelte van het proefschrift wordt in de hoofdstukken 2 t/m 4 de sociologische literatuur over gender, agrarische huishoudens, macht, en besluitvorming besproken en worden hypothesen uit de literatuur afgeleid. Deze hypothesen hebben betrekking op de relatie tussen enerzijds de verdeling van macht tussen mannen en vrouwen en anderzijds de rol van mannen en vrouwen in besluitvorming met betrekking tot de agrarische bedrijfsvoering. Voor een analyse van de factor macht werd gekeken naar de toegang van mannen en vrouwen tot machtsbronnen (resource theory). De factor besluitvorming werd toegespitst op de vraag welke beslissingen door wie worden genomen. Het besluitvormingsproces werd hierbij buiten beschouwing gelaten.

In hoofdstuk 5 wordt meer specifiek naar de kenmerken van het agrarische gezinsbedrijf in Zuidwest China gekeken. Het chinese overheidsbeleid dat mannen en vrouwen een rurale of een stedelijke registratie toekent, bepaalt in hoge mate de arbeidsverdeling tussen mannen en vrouwen in agrarische huishoudens en gezinsbedrijven. De partner met een stedelijke registratie zal i.h.a. proberen om werk en een bron van inkomsten te zoeken in de stad en zal de bedrijfsvoering van de boerderij aan zijn of haar echtgenote of echtgenoot overlaten. Om deze reden moesten de classificaties van agrarische gezinsbedrijven zoals die in de literatuur te vinden zijn, worden aangepast aan de chinese situatie. In het onderzoek werden vijf typen van agrarische gezinsbedrijven onderscheiden:
(1) een agrarisch gezinsbedrijf dat vrijwel geheel door de man wordt geleid, omdat hij geen echtgenote (meer) heeft of omdat zijn echtgenote op basis van een stedelijke registratie elders werkt en merendeels elders woont (2,5%);
(2) een agrarisch gezinsbedrijf waarin de rollen vergeleken bij type 1 precies omgedraaid zijn (35,2%);
(3) een agrarisch gezinsbedrijf waarin beide partners op het bedrijf wonen maar waarin de vrouw het grootste deel van het werk en de bedrijfsvoering voor haar rekening neemt (26,3%);
(4) een agrarisch gezinsbedrijf waarin vergeleken bij type 3 de rollen omgedraaid zijn en de man de bedrijfsvoerder is (7.3%);
(5) een agrarisch gezinsbedrijf waarin sprake is van een gezamenlijke bedrijfsvoering en beide partners op het bedrijf wonen en werken (28,7%).

In hoofdstuk 6 wordt het theoretisch kader voor het onderzoek samengevat. Er worden tien onafhankelijke variabelen geformuleerd waarvan in het onderzoek werd getoetst of zij de rol van vrouwen in besluitvorming beïnvloeden. Deze zijn: niveau van onderwijs, sekse van de kinderen, het hebben van een speciale status in de lokale gemeenschap, toegang hebben tot bronnen van agrarische informatie, geloof in het vermogen van vrouwen om een bedrijf te leiden, leeftijd, agrarische ervaring, aandeel in het werk op het bedrijf, proportionele bijdrage aan het huishoudinkomen, en hoogte van het individuele inkomen. Sekse van de interviewer werd als controle variabele gebruikt. Aan het einde van het eerste deel van het proefschrift wordt in een diagram (pagina 33) het theoretisch kader schematisch samengevat.

In het tweede gedeelte van het proefschrift worden de resultaten van het onderzoek gepresenteerd. In hoofdstuk 7 worden gegevens verstrekt over de wijze waarop het empirisch onderzoek werd uitgevoerd en over de statistische analyse die werd toegepast. De hypothetische invloed van de tien onafhankelijke variabelen werd per type agrarisch gezinsbedrijf getoetst voor beslissingen met betrekking tot agrarische bedrijfsvoering op de volgende terreinen: aanschaf van agrarisch gereedschap, pest control , aankoop van kunstmest, selectie van zaaigoed, landbouwmethoden, keuze van type vee, keuze van pluimvee, veevoer, zorg voor de gezondheid van het vee, gebruik van externe arbeidskrachten, verkoop van vee en veeproducten, verkoop van pluimvee en pluimveeproducten, vermarkten van gewassen. De rol in de besluitvorming van respectievelijk mannen en vrouwen wordt samengevat in hun besluitvormingsindex. De totale steekproef van de survey waarin de hypothesen empirisch werden getoetst bedroeg 1018 huishoudens.

In hoofdstuk 8 wordt gekeken naar de mate waarin er sprake is van gender -specificiteit van beslissingen. Het blijkt dat met betrekking tot negen van de dertien soorten beslissingen er voor alle typen gezinsbedrijven sprake is van een uitgesproken rol van of mannen of vrouwen bij het nemen van die beslissingen. In drie van de vijf typen gezinsbedrijven nemen de vrouwen de beslissingen als het gaat over de selectie van zaaigoed, het vermarkten van gewassen, de keuze van pluimvee, de verkoop van pluimvee en pluimveeproducten, het voer voor het vee, en de zorg voor de gezondheid van het vee. In het agrarisch gezinsbedrijf van het tweede type (zie boven) neemt de vrouw alle beslissingen waar in het onderzoek naar gevraagd werd. De beslissingen die het meest gezamenlijk worden genomen zijn die over de aanschaf van (groot) vee. Dit heeft vermoedelijk te maken met de hogere bedragen die hiermee gemoeid zijn. De resultaten van dit gedeelte van het onderzoek worden samengevat in de tabellen 8.2. en 8.3. (pagina's 44 en 45).

In hoofdstuk 9 wordt de invloed van de onafhankelijke variabelen getoetst voor de verschillende typen agrarische gezinsbedrijven. Het blijkt dat de invloed van deze variabelen in de meeste gevallen verschilt al naar gelang het type agrarisch gezinsbedrijf. Tevens blijken een aantal op basis van de literatuur veronderstelde verbanden niet empirisch aantoonbaar. In tabel 9.6. (pagina's 71 en 72) worden de resultaten van de toetsingsprocedure samengevat.

In hoofdstuk 10 worden de in hoofdstuk 9 gepresenteerde resultaten besproken. Deze bespreking wordt hier met betrekking tot een aantal van de onderzochte variabelen samengevat. Voor het gehele overzicht wordt de lezer verwezen naar hoofdstuk 10.

De rol van de variabele niveau van onderwijs is niet eenduidig. De invloed van deze variabele wordt in sterke mate bepaald door het type gezinsbedrijf en door het relatieve verschil in onderwijsniveau tussen man en vrouw. In de agrarische gezinsbedrijven van de types 2,3, en 4 neemt de vrouw meer beslissingen naarmate zij meer onderwijs heeft genoten. Dit positieve verband is tevens sterker naarmate het niveau van onderwijs van de echtgenoot lager is. Als de echtgenoot meer onderwijs heeft genoten bestaat er een negatief verband. De verklaring is dat onderwijs een toegang vormt tot het vinden van werk en een bron van inkomsten buiten de landbouw. Aan de partner die dat niet heeft wordt de bedrijfsvoering van de boerderij, inclusief het nemen van beslissingen hierover, overgelaten.

Ook de rol van de factor leeftijd is niet zoals men op basis van de literatuur zou verwachten. De hypothese van een positief verband tussen leeftijd en aandeel in besluitvorming wordt alleen bevestigd voor de gezinsbedrijven van type 5, waarin man en vrouw beiden op de boerderij wonen en samen in het bedrijf werken. Voor de overige typen lijkt het al of niet hebben van werk en inkomsten buiten de landbouw van een van de partners belangrijker te zijn dan leeftijd.

De veronderstelling dat vrouwen een lager aandeel in besluitvorming hebben naarmate het huishoudinkomen lager is wordt bevestigd voor gezinsbedrijven van type 5. Voor deze huishoudens geldt de observatie van Huang (1990) dat vrouwen in arme huishoudens alleen werkkracht bijdragen en vrouwen in rijkere huishoudens beslissingen nemen. Ook met betrekking tot de welstand van huishoudens speelt het al of niet hebben van werk en een bron van inkomsten buiten de landbouw een rol. Deze factor is in hoge mate bepalend voor welke partner het bedrijf leidt en de beslissingen neemt.

De sekse van kind(eren) blijkt in vier van de vijf typen gezinsbedrijven de besluitvorming te beïnvloeden. Vrouwen die een zoon hebben nemen meer beslissingen.

In hoofdstuk 11 worden de onderzoeksresultaten in een breder kader geplaatst en worden de implicaties ervan voor rurale planning en landbouwvoorlichting besproken. De belangrijkste conclusie is dat de toepassing van resource theory, waarin het hebben van toegang tot machtsbronnen de verklaring vormt van het hebben van macht en het kunnen nemen van beslissingen, niet alleen afhankelijk is van de culturele context (zoals reeds op basis van de literatuurstudie kon worden geconcludeerd), maar ook van het type agrarisch gezinsbedrijf en het daarmee samenvallende agrarische huishouden. Het is dus voor effectieve planning en voorlichting van groot belang om een stratificatie te maken van de agrarische gezinsbedrijven in de betreffende regio en de farm managers van de bedrijven te identificeren. Terwijl uit dit onderzoek blijkt dat vrouwen meer agrarische beslissingen nemen dan mannen, wordt er in het beleid en in de praktijk van de voorlichting nog steeds van uitgegaan dat de man als gezinshoofd in agrarische gezinsbedrijven tevens het bedrijf leidt en de beslissingen neemt. In meer dan de helft van de gevallen blijkt niet de man maar de vrouw de bedrijfsleider (farm manager) te zijn.

Het onderzoek heeft ook het belang van het hebben van werk en een bron van inkomsten buiten de landbouw voor agrarische besluitvorming aangetoond. Werken in de landbouw heeft in China een lage status en leidt in het algemeen niet tot welstand. Het hoog scoren in het nemen van agrarische beslissingen van de vrouw betekent in veel gevallen dat de man buiten de landbouw werkt en de bedrijfsvoering aan zijn vrouw overlaat. Het nemen van veel beslissingen door de vrouw is in dit geval niet indicatief voor het hebben van een machtspositie maar weerspiegelt specifieke omstandigheden.

Tot slot moet worden opgemerkt dat het belang voor vrouwen dat nog steeds wordt gehecht aan het hebben van zoon(s) niet bevorderlijk is voor de emancipatie van vrouwen en voor de erkenning van de belangrijke rol die zij in de landbouw spelen. Het één-kind-beleid van de chinese overheid impliceert voor vrouwen die alleen een dochter hebben een zwakke machtspositie en een relatief geringe rol in agrarische besluitvorming. Onderwijs vormt een belangrijk instrument om deze patstelling te doorbreken.

Economische groei, duurzaamheid en emancipatie
Haagsma, R. - \ 1996
Den Haag : Emancipatieraad - 70
luchtverontreiniging - samenstelling - economische groei - werkgelegenheid - milieuwetgeving - milieubeleid - gezinnen - overheidsbeleid - huishoudens - arbeidsmarkt - natuurlijke hulpbronnen - Nederland - bescherming - herstel - hulpbronnengebruik - bodemverontreiniging - structuur - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - waterverontreiniging - vrouwen - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - air pollution - composition - economic growth - employment - environmental legislation - environmental policy - families - government policy - households - labour market - natural resources - Netherlands - protection - rehabilitation - resource utilization - soil pollution - structure - sustainability - water pollution - women - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism
Literature on women in Central and Eastern Europe : Literature Agricultural University Wageningen
Webbink, J.F. - \ 1995
VENA journal 7 (1995)1. - ISSN 0925-9333 - p. 38 - 41.
bibliografieën - catalogi - Centraal-Europa - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - bibliographies - catalogues - Central Europe - woman's status - women - feminism - woman and society - women's movement
A literature list on gender and women in Central and Eastern Europe is compiled. This is followed by some additional literature and a list of relevant organisations and addresses
Family farms, gender and agrarian change in Eastern Europe. An annotated bibliography
Holzner, B.M. ; Vredendaal, P. van; Webbink, J.F. - \ 1995
Delft : Eburon - ISBN 9789051664706 - 114
landbouw - centraal-europa - familiebedrijven, landbouw - overzichten - sociale verandering - sociale ontwikkeling - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - agriculture - central europe - family farms - reviews - social change - social development - woman's status - women - feminism - woman and society - women's movement
Research and agrarian change in East-Central and Eastern Europe: some preliminary impressions.
Holzner, B.M. - \ 1995
VENA journal 7 (1995)1. - ISSN 0925-9333 - p. 12 - 17.
central europe - collective farms - cooperative farms - family farms - farm management - innovations - knowledge - women - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism - science - centraal-europa - collectieve landbouwbedrijven - coöperatieboerderijen - familiebedrijven, landbouw - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - innovaties - kennis - vrouwen - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - wetenschap
This article sketches agrarian transformation in East-Central and Eastern European countries and scrutinizes the literature about rural gender issues
Wielding and yielding : power, subordination and gender identity in the context of a Mexican development project
Villarreal, M. - \ 1994
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): N.E. Long. - S.l. : Villarreal - ISBN 9789054852834 - 281
sociologie - plattelandsgemeenschappen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - mexico - vrouwenbeweging - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - sociology - rural communities - woman's status - women - women's movement - feminism - woman and society - cum laude
<p>Three lines of inquiry can be found in the present study. The first is of an empirical nature. It is a story of a group of women and a development project, based upon field research I carried out in 1987-88 concerning a group of female beekeepers who were organized as an UAIM <em>(Unidad Agrícola e Industrial de la Mujer Campesina,</em> Agrarian and Industrial Unit of Peasant Women) in Ayuquila, a small rural community in western Mexico. The initiative was backed by the Federal Law of Agrarian Reform, which stipulated that groups of women should be encouraged to participate in economic activities by allotting them plots of agricultural land and supporting them with credit from official institutions to set up small enterprises. It was expected that the organization of women would thus be stimulated and that they would be incorporated into the 'production process'. In some cases, government rhetoric went on to suggest that this would eventually lead to the reduction of gender inequalities.<p>Second, it is an exploration into issues of power: How does power work? Can one point to secret mechanisms by which it is triggered and held, resolutely oppressing, permeating the most hidden niches of society, controlling actions, thoughts and desires? How is it constituted, identified and recreated or crushed, transformed and channelled? How do changes in power come about? How can we come to grips with the ways in which power is constructed in everyday situations? How can we understand it in its relation to more macro phenomena? I explore these issues through my ethnographic material, discussing theoretical approaches to power such as those advanced by Foucault, Latour, Callon, and Barnes and drawing upon more general theoretical insights proposed by Long, Giddens, Strathern, Moore, Habermas, Bourdieu and other social scientists. The aim is to arrive at the construction of theory through the analysis of field data. Hence, I examine theoretical perspectives throughout the chapters in terms of their usefulness for addressing the issues I encounter and the questions I want to deal with.<p>Third, it is a methodological venture in which I use diverse techniques to explore theoretical and empirical concerns from an actor-oriented perspective. Thus, I draw upon a survey of the village, discourse analysis, situational analysis, network analysis and actor-network analysis (or the sociology of translation) to highlight the ways in which actors construct their lifeworlds and deal with constraints in their everyday lives. From this perspective, propelling agents are not outside forces but actors and their interpretations. Actions are not predefined in terms of their functional significance to self-regulating systems, but are constantly redefined and given meaning in dynamic interrelations between people and the natural and social environment.<p>My challenge is to reach a better understanding of the processes of change taking place in the 'development interface', that is, in the spaces opened up by the interaction between different social groups engaged in development practices where discontinuities in terms of power are recreated and transformed. Grounded upon critical observation and analysis of detailed ethnographic data, I hope to contribute to a sounder theoretical perspective on issues of power and social difference.<p>Analyzing my empirical material, it became clear that subordination was central to an understanding of power, and so relations of subordination constitute the main issue explored throughout the chapters. These are the elements that give life to power, that make it possible. The wielding of power presupposes the exercise of yielding to it, of recognizing the other as powerful. Furthermore, power must often be yielded in order to wield it. Hence, to open the discussion on power, I take as a starting point, not a blatant description of domination or a striking set of statistics to prove its strength, but the trivial everyday manifestations of power, which lives to the degree to which it is exercised upon others, and hence to the degree that there are countervailing forces which must be controlled. Otherwise it would be fruitless to conceive of such a notion. In fact, it is impossible to envisage power without an image of those affected by it, without notions of subservience, inferiority, subjugation and control, but also without some kinds of counter forces, of negotiation, resistance, conflict and opposition.<p>However, what one might identify as points of resistance, of defiance and challenge, are intertwined with elements that may be described as compliance, conformity and submission. Hence, when speaking of subordination, one implies both an action imposed from 'outside' and a self-inflicted condition. It is this interweaving of processes that I explore, specifically with respect to gender relations.<p>To this endeavour, I start, in Chapter 1, by introducing the reader to Ayuquila with brief descriptions of three women and the ways in which they deal with subordination in their everyday lives. The three women are involved in different kinds of enterprise and dissimilar relations and attitudes towards 'capital' and entrepreneurs, and hence work under distinct perspectives and motivations to access specific networks, to build diverse relations with men, with authorities and with other women. However, subordination and self-subordination is a common theme, whether imposed or assumed, used to soften blows, to create personal space or to consolidate power.<p>Ayuquila is a small town of 161 households located within an important irrigation district along the main road linking the Municipal capital of El Grullo to the State capital of Guadalajara, in Jalisco, western Mexico. Village economic life is built basically upon agriculture and the commercialization of agricultural products. In describing the world of Ayuquila as it was presented to me in 1988, the webs of relations which include bonds to different environments, organizational forms embedded in the villagers' use of land and their work procedures, their economic strategies, household patterns and solidarity networks - which I document in Chapter 2 - I came to realize the significance of specific domains or interaction for understanding how social asymmetries are reproduced, how linkages to wider social and economic scenarios are created and resignified, and how the project is woven into village I life.<p>Such domains do not only entail undertakings pertaining to distinct levels of articulation of power, nor do they demarcate specific fields of social analysis - such as the economic, political or family-kinship. Activities within domains involve a heterogeneity of relationships - that could be labelled political, economic, religious or emotional - and they intertwine power relations that draw upon diverse normative frames. In specific domains, 'rules of the game' are negotiated and defined, authorities are recognized, and relations to institutions, to other villagers and with the environment, are 'fixed'. Interaction within a domain entails distinct organizing practices, criteria with which to evaluate and shape others' behaviour and ways of securing resources.<p>The beekeeping project came to constitute a specific domain of interaction. In Chapter 3 1 provide a brief history of the project as it was described by the different actors involved. This enables me to discuss the ways in which the women saw themselves and the ways in which they were labelled and how this shaped the project and its perspectives. The identities adopted by the women at different stages of the project were very much coloured by social expectations, by images of hierarchies and by the identification of boundaries for action. I thus examine the boundaries the women set to their undertakings and ambitions, as well as the struggles they have to undergo in the defense of their own space when interacting with the state, but also with the <em>ejido</em> - commonly regarded a 'men's world' in the village, exploring critical social interface situations where members of the group are exposed to encounters with people from 'the outside' and to definitions, ideas, representations and interpretations. I analyze the ways in which discursive practices reproduce and change, exploring the intertwining of actions, strategies, understandings and self-perceptions where knowledge and power are created, negotiated and transformed. I highlight the significance that labelling had in terms of their activities and their relations to others, and how the names which the women attributed to themselves became modified. This pointed to the relevance of knowledge in the process by which social relations are constructed.<p>The domain of the family is described in Chapter 4, where I map out the kin networks and social webs that shape the interactions taking place. I examine how the beekeepers were clustered into particular networks - often linked to other village domains - where issues were discussed, commitments and non- verbalized agreements shouldered and emotions, loyalties and opinions shared. In this chapter, four kinds of network configurations are presented and contrasted: 1) a genealogical map of the network of kin and affinal ties encompassing the members of the women's group; 2) a series of net diagrams representing <em>specific types</em> of transactions and commitments among the members; 3) an aggregated net diagram depicting the <em>multiplexity</em> and density of ties; and 4) a tree diagram which contrasts the patterns formed by the various sub-group clusters and illustrates their social distance vis-à-vis other members of the beekeeping group. I describe the ways in which kin networks feature within the beekeeping group, showing how they are not motionless, nor present as an external structure, but are brought to life and resignified by the different actors in their interrelations within specific networks. This also entails an analysis of the fissures within the group, and of how these were dealt with, or supplanted by other linkages. As it is, these splits and the beekeepers' attempts to fill the gaps between them, provided valuable information about the process of 'gluing together'.<p>The ways in which different ties are combined and resignified, however, is largely defined through the lifeworlds of the different women, or rather through the intersection of lifeworlds that takes place within the project. This is evident in the three profiles of women beekeepers which I also describe in this chapter. I have chosen three beekeepers, drawn from different social clusters in the group, to explore aspects of their everyday lives, and their experiences, motivations and interests within the project. I highlight the significance of the group, its encounters and activities, for shaping the lifeworlds of these women. The individual women used the project and its sense of 'belongingness' to reconceptualize their own life circumstances and expectations, and to sustain them in their efforts to change their social relationships and strategies. They thus create space for themselves and reconstruct their lifeworlds.<p>The women's commitment to specific networks shapes their practices and influences their views on the UAIM and its perspectives. But networks also open up spaces for them, that is, they put people in touch with different sets of relations. Whilst networks provide coordinating mechanisms for the allocation of resources and the circulation of meaning, they are not totalizing systems, and whilst they entail some kind of governing coalitions that regulate behaviour, as such they do not control. Actors draw upon networks and rework them in response to their immediate needs, resignifying them through personal experiences, and using them whenever possible to achieve control. Hence, networks have no life but through the organizing practices of the lifeworlds of their members.<p>This points to the crucial importance of agency within social relations, and to the action of keepers and power brokers within networks and domains. Through the analysis of a social situation - a meeting in which the women as a group interact face-to-face with a 'dominant' group in the village, typically considered a male organization - Chapter 5 delves into the intricacies and subtleties of authority and command in the everyday wielding of power. During the meeting, experiences, views and discursive elements were transposed from the domain of the state to the domain of the <em>ejido,</em> from the <em>ejido</em> to the project, etc. The interaction between the group of beekeepers and the <em>ejidatarios</em> shows how agency works to bring such elements to the fore. We can also see how, in a particular moment in time and space, boundaries pertaining to 'formal maps of power' are differentially interpreted and negotiated, how expectations are forged and issues veiled. Power is constructed with respect to access to resources, to the identification and defense of particular interests and the control of means of action. In the struggle for access to resources and control, power brokers emerge and authorities are redefined.<p>These processes also entail maps of knowledge, negotiation of interests, loyalties and formal identification of powers, as well as particular skills and techniques of control. Although not physically present in the event, the state wields power through the interpretations of the different actors, who surrender to what they consider are its designs.<p>The state is typically a 'power wielder', that is, it is commonly recognized as a powerful actor. In Chapter 6 1 describe how this 'macro power' is constructed, and identify the mechanisms by which it is recognized as such in the case of the UAIM projects in Mexico. I discuss the vicissitudes of different UAIMs in various parts of the country, focusing on the ways in which the state manages to snare different actors into its own network of interests, thus providing opportunities for women to engage in economic enterprises, but by so doing, sets frameworks that regulate aspects of women's lives. I concentrate on the UAIM itself as a juridical model and a form of control, exploring how people, emotions, beliefs, money, technology, gender images, legal forms, documents, and social networks are associated and dissociated - physically and symbolically - to generate power or inhibit its development. I discuss Callon and Latour's (1981, 1986) approach to the analysis of power, which I believe to have made great strides in its conceptualization and study. However, as our case shows, their analyses leave out critical aspects which can be tackled more adequately through an actor-oriented approach. An important premise is that power is not a pre-determined attribute which is possessed or not, but a fluid resource which is negotiated and used at all levels.<p>Chapter 7 draws the threads together and compares my findings with current theories on power. I discuss how conceptualizing power as embedded in multi-directional relations, in processes, linkages, disjunctions and strategies, allows us to see its diverse faces as well as the compromises, negotiations and struggles. Power relations are recreated in the interaction and not totally imposed from one side. Power is not inherent to a position, a space or a person; it is not possessed by any of the actors, and it is not a zero-sum process whereby its exercise by one of the actors leaves the others lacking. Interests are not necessarily the propelling force behind power, but are fixed and defined in the process.<p>It is necessary to explore the social construction of meaning, which then reveals the messiness of power processes. A power wielder - be it a collective or individual actor - is also influenced by myths, language and symbols. Hence, those wielding power carry out at the same time more and less than their own wills. Less, because they must negotiate with the wills of others; they must allow others' wills to be carried out if they are to succeed - so discretion is limited by the force of those in subordinate positions. And more, because power is more than getting one's own will across. Generally speaking, those considered powerful incline dispositions and influence processes which are in no way part of their strategies. It would therefore be too simple to regard power as an unidirectional process whereby defined objectives are in the end reached. The complexity of power relations resides in its largely unintended consequences, in the web of routines which are triggered or channelled in specific directions, not only by the power wielder, but by the social constituency that attributes identities and roles to him/her and responds to these very same attributions by locating themselves in a somewhat inferior plane, in a subordinate condition.<p>In this way, we often attribute agency and power to social categories such as class, ethnicity and gender; to resources such as capital and land and to institutions like the state. Thus, we credit this abstract constituency we call the state with power and respond accordingly. This might have little to do with the actual intelligence, knowledgeability or capacity to act of the particular subject of agency, but it is important in delimiting the effects it can have on others. Banks, corporations, kings and priests are attributed qualities that 'bounce back' on the actions of people. This speaks of a mode of socially attributed agency, a capacity to act which is granted by others, in contrast to the agency of individuals in dealing with the world around them. Hence, the agency of an actor can be 'stretched' out to incorporate the agentive or patientive actions of others, enroling people, objects or symbols into networks or domains. Domains can wield power within a macro perspective, but they themselves will be shifting terrains for power because of the social relations acting within them. Discourses and interpretations can thus become 'dominant' when they are enroled in a specific strategy and are instrumental in constraining or defining the behaviour of a large number of people or social groups. Hence power relations are strengthened by multiple translations. The quality of certain power relations as 'macro' then., can only be seen as an effect, and not as a cause. This leaves us with a more 'vulnerable' version of macro relations, albeit a more dynamic one.<p>The power wielder has to rely on the actions of others who acknowledge its power. These actions generally entail subordination, compliance or resistance. The concept of resistance, however, already implies an identification of a weaker force which is counteracting a stronger one and which is unwilling to yield. But I argue that power wielders should not be defined as such in <em>a priori</em> terms, and hence resistance cannot be identified as such beforehand. Compliance generally entails an acceptance to become the vehicle of others' agency, thus strengthening the network of power, but one can, of course, be an unknowing vehicle of power by forming part of such a network without resisting or subordinating, or by agreeing to certain representations which are enroled in its exercise, thus granting credibility and effectiveness to the associations which constitute it. Compliance contributes crucial support for power networks and is often indirectly provided.<p>Compliance, as well as subordination, not only sustains the wielding of power, but also the <em>capacity</em> to wield power. Such capacity is not a storage of power as social scientists frequently describe it, but is underpinned by a social recognition of ranks, authority and superiority, where the action falls on those who acknowledge an actor as 'powerful' or who are willing (or obliged by the social circumstances, the intersection of domains, etc.) to submit to what they consider are its designs. Hence, the yielding of power resides in the social acknowledgement of it; it does not necessarily entail subordination and can be independent of the will or intentions of the potential wielder.<p>Subordination, on the one hand, indicates the action of 'patients', of being the vehicle of others' agency. It allows power to be wielded by yielding, by acceding to the wishes of the other, relinquishing a possible social capacity or status to acknowledge a stronger, better or more appropriate bearer. On the other hand, such yielding can emanate, not from the wishes of others, but from the 'subordinate' actors' own agency. Subordination, then, does not imply a zero- sum process whereby those who yield are necessarily left powerless. If power is fluid and constantly negotiated, those wielding power also need to subordinate themselves to discourses, social beliefs and wills of others. Thus, subordination cannot be exclusively attributed to the lower strata of society, to marginalized groups, or to the 'losers'. Power relations also necessitate the yielding of power by the power wielder.<p>In the final chapter 1 discuss the notions of power and empowerment underpinning development thinking and practice. 1 suggest that power is often misconstrued and that many issues remain unresolved in the notions of empowerment and participation, especially where gender is concerned. Thus, there is a need to question ourselves what is understood by participation, how to define the interests of the beneficiaries in order to assist them in helping themselves, and who 'the object of empowerment' is as compared to who it is intended to be. The new associations formed through projects, participatory training sessions and other activities oriented towards the empowerment of local population constitute domains of interaction which also require the action of keepers and brokers to sustain them, people who understand schedules and plans, who have organizational awareness, strategic visions, a drive to persuade and motivate others, a sense of enterprise, and the urge to analyze problems that arise in order to expand their 'project' through processes of enrolment, and to avoid diversion from set goals. This often ends up in the empowerment of the development agency itself.<p>Women are in many ways resisting impositions and striving to increase their claim-making capacity, but this is intertwined with short-term interests., emotions and loyalties. As keepers of a gender-oriented development endeavour, facilitators often try to delink women from such conceptions of their interests and loyalties. Their own conception of alternatives for women is frequently simplistic, stemming from questions such as who owns the land, who spends the cash and who makes the relevant decisions. But an analysis of 'development' endeavours cannot avoid an examination of the complex power processes and battles over images, definition of interests and interpretations that take place at the interface between 'outsiders' and 'local groups'. These interface struggles shape the arena of intervention situations where power is wielded and yielded.
Opvoeden tot sociale verantwoordelijkheid : de verzoening van wetenschap, ethiek en sekse in het sociaal werk in Nederland rond de eeuwwisseling
Bervoets, L. - \ 1993
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.L. Mok. - S.l. : Bervoets - ISBN 9789054851233 - 235
vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - vrouwelijke werknemers - vrouwen - werk - werkgelegenheid - sociale voorzieningen - welzijnsvoorzieningen - sociaal welzijn - positie van de vrouw - geschiedenis - sociale zekerheid - Nederland - sociaal werk - vrouwenbeweging - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - sociale zorg - female labour - women workers - women - work - employment - social services - welfare services - social welfare - woman's status - history - social security - Netherlands - social work - women's movement - feminism - woman and society - social care

Sociologists use to describe social work as a typical example of a immature or semi-profession. The emergence of social work in social history is part and parcel of 'forces of organized virtue', whilst in womenstudies early social work is usually considered as a consequence of the doctrine of separate spheres and the nineteenth century cult of domesticity.

In this research into the articulation of social work as a feminine professional domain, critical observations are made about this three different ways of looking at the history of social work- It is argued that both functionalist and marxists concepts of professionalism do not offer very fruitful starting points for research, because of their presuming an opposition between altruism and selfinterest. Instead the present study of the history of social work explores the complex of social and scientific forces in the context of which social work developed around the turn of the century and examines the purport that altruism and selfinterest got in this context.

The origin of social work is related to the growing scientific critique of precepts and habits of care in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, which cleared the road for a new public body for care and prevention. Following doctors and engineers who succeeded in mobilizing public support for the eradication of infectious diseases and the clearing of slums, social scientists attracted attention to the relationship between social well-being and the environment. With the help of certain sociological and philosophical notions concerning the origins of social inequality and the need for social regulation of society, social work pioneers defined a professional domain in which science, ethics and gender went well together. In their sociological vision, men and women, rich and poor, were the product of social conditions, whilst social conditions in their turn were the consequence of human intervention. The interplay between man and society and the changeableness of social relations offered important starting points for the development of a own form of feminine expertise in the social field.

According to social workers professional altruism could be neither inborn nor based on personal sentiments. Self-love and social feeling were supposed to be brought into balance by introspection and serious study of social relations. Women were not social beings by nature and did not know by intuition how to find their way in the complicated and diffuse complex of social policy and social pedagogy. Education for social responsibility was not only concerned with the poor, but was also considered a necessity for the bourgeois circles from which social workers themselves usually originated. The propensity for scientific philanthropy amongst social work pioneers and their critique of 'idleness' and 'family egoism' in bourgeois circles, which were often neglected in Dutch research, form the key-points of the formation of a new professional identity of women. ]heir perspective lay in all kinds of social work, whether paid or unpaid.

The emergence of social work fitted in with a tradition in which the scientific management of society had primacy over politics and in which individual development had to be brought into balance with public spirit. Social work pioneers thought to find the solution for the woman question and the social question in a 'socialism-without-class-struggle' and a 'feminism-without-a- battle-between-the-sexes', in which gradual social transformation took place under the guidance of social experts.

By investigating the meaning of altruism and self-interest from a historical perspective, it becomes clear that a number of well-known theses concerning 'civilized' feminine professions need to be reconsidered. Thus the discussions regarding the organization of the school for social work and about the approach to the different sorts of work, show that social work can no longer be considered as traditional charity in a new disguise. The articulation of altruism and feminine talent for the ethical dimensions of social work seems to be more complex and contradictory than used to be supposed till now.

Agrarische vrouwen benoemen hun belangen.
Hilhorst, T.J. - \ 1993
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 82) - ISBN 9789067542746 - 60
landbouw - boeren - menselijke relaties - nederland - sociale klassen - sociale interactie - sociale structuur - sociale systemen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - sociale relaties - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - agriculture - farmers - human relations - netherlands - social classes - social interaction - social structure - social systems - woman's status - women - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism - social relations - woman and society - women's movement
Adviesboek contactgroepen agrarische vrouwen.
Hilhorst, T.J. - \ 1993
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 81) - ISBN 9789067542661 - 52
landbouw - boeren - organisaties - sociale klassen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - agriculture - farmers - organizations - social classes - woman's status - women - feminism - woman and society - women's movement
Toekomst van het agrarisch vrouwenwerk.
Haenen, G. - \ 1992
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 70) - ISBN 9789067542388 - 52
werkgelegenheid - boeren - boerenorganisaties - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - organisaties - sociale klassen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - vrouwelijke werknemers - werk - Nederland - feminisme - noord-brabant - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - employment - farmers - farmers' associations - female labour - organizations - social classes - woman's status - women - women workers - work - Netherlands - feminism - woman and society - women's movement
Werk van de tweede soort : boerinnen in de melkveehouderij
Rooij, S. de - \ 1992
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.L. Mok. - S.l. : De Rooij - ISBN 9789023227298 - 235
melkvee - melkveehouderij - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkgelegenheid - werk - werkorganisatie - arbeidskunde - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - vrouwelijke werknemers - vrouwen - recht - positie van de vrouw - Nederland - feminisme - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - dairy cattle - dairy farming - labour - labour economics - employment - work - organization of work - work study - female labour - women workers - women - law - woman's status - Netherlands - feminism - emancipation of women - female equality

This study of the changing nature of farmwork for farmers' wives focuses on two central questions. The first concerns the effects on the wife's labour of scale- enlargement and specialization. Both of these processes can be considered as the accumulation of technological, economic and political changes in the agricultural sector over the last decades. The second concerns the degree and manner in which gender and gender relations play a role in decision making over the introduction and implementation of these processes at farm level. In other words, what role does gender play in decisions on the degree and tempo with which scale enlargement and specialization are carried through at farm level and over the concomitant reorganization of labour on the farm. Gender refers here to the socially constructed differences between men and women. Gender relations are (at least they have been until now) dominant relations. Gender includes the division of labour between the sexes, gender symbols, gender ideology and gender specific identities. Gender is at work at all levels, at the personal and institutional level, at the psychological and behavioural level, at the economic, social, cultural and political level.

As a consequence of opportunities for producers to interpret these external developments in their own way, considerable differences in Dutch agriculture can still be seen, making it possible, to a degree, through cross-sectional analysis, to study their effects. In this way the farm labour of the wife is compared with varying degrees of scale enlargement and specialization of the farm, giving us thereby certain insights into recent historical changes in their labour. The comparison between large-scale specialized, and small-scale mixed dairy farms (i.e. that also make their own cheese), is particularly important here because both types of farm form, as it were, opposite poles of an agricultural modernization process in progress since the fifties.

To investigate the influence of gender, a comparison was made between labour organization on farms with partners of the same and of different gender. At the same time gender on the family farm itself was also examined.

The research, which is confined to dairy farming in the central part of the Netherlands, looks at different aspects of female farm labour, defined as all those activities that women engage in that underpin the farming household and ensure the family farm's continued existence and progress. To determine which activities are, and which are not included as work or labour, account was taken of the ideas of the group of researched farm women themselves. Although their descriptions and criteria were quite diverse, some appeared to have more general validity than others. These were descriptions about work associated with activities that could not be left undone and were thus deemed to be 'necessary', or which were considered 'obligatory', or 'brought in money' or 'bounded by time'. Usually a combination of criteria were used. Women's labour involved different sorts of work which could be carried out on the farm as well as off it. This was stated by the women themselves. In broad terms the following kinds of labour can be delimited: household labour, bringing up children, farming activities, non- agricultural income-generating activities on the farm, paid or income-generating activities off the farm and voluntary work that is seen as socially relevant for the farming household. For the farmers' wives in the study, the emphasis lay on the first three kinds of labour.

Besides labour time, and the division of time given to different sorts of work and the women's judgement about this, the study particularly looked at aspects of the quality of women's labour. The stress here is on the labour content of the work done by women on farm related tasks. In addition to collecting data on what their task packet or allotment was, the study also examined the degree of task control that women had and the degree to which they worked together with their husbands. Task control refers to the extent to which one can decide on the issue, implementation, checking, evaluation and apposition of the task or task packet. The higher the degree of control, the higher the demand is for expertise and the greater the opportunity to gain new knowledge and experience. That also goes for the damage risk - the consequences of making a big mistake - and for insights into and overviews of the production process. The degree of task control is closely associated with the organization of production (i.e. the degree to which scale enlargement and specialization are carried through) and the way in which labour is organized internally. This means that task control cannot be studied in isolation from the division of labour and the nature of cooperation with the others involved. On a family farm this will be mostly the husband. That means that the degree of control exercised by women has to be seen in relation to that of their husbands and that the relation between the sexes plays an important role in the degree of control that women acquire or are allowed. This also holds for the relative share of both in decision making over the farm set-up and development. The research examines how the different areas of farm decision making are divided between farmers and their wives, and whether a relation exists between the labour content of wives' tasks and their influence on decisions over the inset and use of production factors, the farm labour process and the sharing and spending of income. Labour content is also examined in relation to the work experience of farmers' wives.

The research on the mechanisms which gender differences create, sustain and transform in the area of labour, touches upon all farm tasks. That is to say that existing practices, explanations and legitimateness of the division of labour in the household as well as on the farm were researched. Within that framework, questions were asked concerning the views of the women on their most important roles - farmer's wife, mother, housewife. These views were compared with those of the farmers on their own corresponding roles.

In summary, the empirical research led to the following findings:
1 Almost all the wives involved in the research had been, since childhood, conversant with working on a farm, with a specific division of labour according to sex, with specific ideas of what is women's and what man's work, and of what it is to be a farmer or farmer's wife. On the farms where they grew up the division between men and women' tasks was in part parallel to the division between enterprise and family, since work within the family was exclusively women's work and tasks on the farm were primarily those of men. Although no men were kept busy in the house, wives did work on the farm, though men made a distinction between what was men's and what was women's work and only a few tasks were carried out by both sexes. Clear gender differences also existed regarding future perspectives. Over succession to the farm only sons were mentioned, daughters were excluded from this. They could marry a farmer and thus become a farmers wife or marry outside agriculture. It goes without saying that the separation in tasks and perspectives goes hand in hand with the difference in upbringing and training enjoyed by farmers' sons and daughters. Farmers' daughters, in contrast to their brothers follow no agricultural education. For many of them, both young and old, the emphasis is on household education. For the older generation of women it was taken for granted that after school they would work on the parental farm if it was necessary. For the younger generation that was less so and it was also less necessary. But that they would stay close by was taken for granted. Younger women far more often than their older colleagues followed a training that had nothing to do with agriculture. However, since they were also confronted outside of agriculture with a division of labour on the grounds of gender, such a training was typically for women's occupations such as nursing, family care, dressmaking or cutting, secretarial work, selling and so forth. Often, solely with a view to marrying a farmer, many followed agriculturally based courses, mostly connected with typical women's work on the farm, such as cheese-making and bookkeeping.

2 Differences in scale enlargement and specialization appear to have little influence on the total amount of labour time. Farmer's wives all have a work week of a good seventy hours (from 71.5-72.5 hours). Scale enlargement therefore does not lead to a decrease in total work time for women, though differences do seem to occur in how the available time is divided between the various kinds of work she does. The time that is spent on farm work is diminishing. Taken on average, wives of specialized dairy farmers are occupied about ten hours less on farm work than those that make cheese. in contrast, with an increase in scale and specialization more time is spent on activities within the family field. Relatively speaking, there appears to be more time spent on the children and productive household work, such as in the kitchen garden and in processing products, on keeping house, and on making children's clothes etc. The experience of women on dairy farms in terms of time spent appears to coincide with the way in which time is spent in practice. In the ideal situation as they see it, they would rather spend less time on household chores and relatively more time on activities outside the farm and/or though to a lesser degree, on farm activities. Routine household work such as dusting, polishing and tidying are mentioned as the first to be shed, and are activities that the majority of farmers' wives considered the 'least rewarding'. Small-scale cheese makers, in the ideal situation - at least as concerns the cheese season - would like to put less time into farm work and more into outside activities. Also for large- scale cheese makers, the time ideally spent in the cheese season contains less farm work and time to give more attention to their children. One might thus conclude that the average farm wife of the specialized dairy farmer - hence of the large-scale type - sees herself as too much a housewife. The average cheese-maker - particularly on the large scale enterprise - sees herself, at least in the cheese period, relatively as too much farmer's wife and too little as mother.

3 The quality of farm labour - measured in terms of labour content - appears to decrease as scale and specialization rises. In essence, with specialization, the average wife loses her own labour domain on the farm. Instead she works together in the labour domain of her husband. The actual consequences of this appear to be that her own fixed farm tasks are converted into helping out labour. Instead of a task which she can largely control herself, which requires specific skills and which involves high damage risk, she gets work to do that is dominated by tasks done at the request of and on the instructions of someone else. Such work consists of a number of unrelated tasks that could be done by anyone and where mistakes have little damage risk for the farm. In short, with scale enlargement and specialization the average farmer's wife goes from a farming task load needing a relatively high qualification level to one with more restricted task control and needing far fewer qualifications. For good task performance, availability, precision and neatness are deemed to be the most important. The difficulty lies in being able to combine an these tasks with her other kinds of work, placing high demands on her organizing skills. At the same time it appears that with raising the degree of scale and specialization, the help which the farmer's wife receives in the family field diminishes, which means that work in this sphere also includes more tasks of a routine nature - routine household work.

Helping out, and fixed tasks with a low degree of control appear to give less satisfaction. While cheese-makers get satisfaction from the labour process itself (having their own domain, from their skills and responsibility for a good quality product) and from the results (a fine product, income, a good name), wives who just help out, seek this, as it were, in the more general notions of being involved in the farm, being a farmer's wife or co-entrepreneur or being active with and in nature. Scale enlargement and specialization thus lead not only to loss of task control and specific professional skills but also to a reduced chance of finding personal satisfaction in farm work and deriving a feeling of self worth from it. But the enjoyment cheese makers derive from their work can also decline, which is the case if the total work load is too high. This happens to cheese makers on large-scale farms. The daily pressure of work can become so great (financial pressures to keep on making cheese, less flexibility in the work scheme and/or through having to combine different sorts of work), that the wish to cut back on their own production work creeps in.

Scale enlargement and specialization of course do not always lead to a packet of farm tasks that are predominantly of a helping out kind. It seems possible for women to again create their own labour domain on the specialized farm. Specific qualifications appear to be one of the basic conditions for this.

4 A farmer's wife is not only involved in the implementation, control, opposition to and/or design of specific farm tasks or packets, but also in the design of the production process as a whole. It is actually on the family farm that the direct producers, among them the farmer's wife, largely decide which techniques and how they will be used, on the organization of labour, and on how the income obtained will be divided and spent. But although the wife undoubtedly has an influence on the design of the production process and on changes in it, her influence appears selective and narrower than that of her husband. The various areas of decision making appear to be shared between farmer and wife in a specific way, with decisions over the organization of production and farm practice considered to be the husband's field. The average wife gets involved in such decisions only when the demands of farm and family threaten to come into conflict with each other, particularly on decisions that involve great financial returns or risk. Whenever women get involved with decisions in this area, without there being any question of conflicting interests, then it always seems to involve farm tasks, or to be more precise, farm tasks that involve a high degree of task control. These appear to lead to greater influence on decisions over the associated labour process, farm practice and set up. The processes of scale enlargement and specialization thus entail a reduction in the involvement of the farmer's wife in a number of decision over the direct production process and its organization. That, however, does not hold for all such decisions. Those involving heavy financial risk are generally speaking, with increased scale and specialization, more often areas for joint decision making. At the same time there seems to be a contrary tendency: on some of these large scale specialized farms there is an increasing separation of decision making ares between the sexes, where wives retreat as it were into the family domain, while their husbands control the farming domain.

5 On all family farms there is a clear division of labour according to gender, in which inequality forms the basic pattern. Although such inequality is sharpened by scale enlargement and specialization, its roots are not there, but in gender. This becomes clear from a comparison of the labour organization and decision making on the kind of farms managed by male partners. Here one finds no talk of structural patterns of unequal labour relations.

The research shows that existing (skewed) labour divisions on gender and gender stereotyping ideas (of men and women of themselves, and their own and each others work) are the essential mechanisms in which inequality and domination are rooted. In decisions over the division and re-division of tasks between the farmer and his wife, as well as in decisions over farm practice and development, the ideas of those involved play a crucial role; ideas about women's and mens' work, about fulfilling gender specific labour roles (farmer's wife/farmer, mother/father), about masculinity and femininity and the relation between women and men, farmers and farmers' wives. Gender specific identities strengthen the exchange of ideas and behaviour of men and women. In the world outside the farm gender differences are again also to be found. A division of labour according to gender and living stereotypes of farmers, farmers' wives, their activities and the relations between them, likewise exists in all sorts of institutes closely linked to the farm and farming household, Men try, through all kinds of strategies, to maintain the status quo. They present obstructions if women want to expand their room to manoeuvre, use discriminatory behaviour against women (by stigmatizing, or by systematically rejecting or criticizing their behaviour or ideas); they introduce techniques that are tailored to the size of men; they make women's work invisible; they are selective in the composition of membership or administration of organizations, study clubs, commissions; they set demands and qualifications on task content that are not easily achieved by women (such as for example man/woman social contracts). In their turn women also appear to use strategies to exclude men from their domain (such as the family domain) or place themselves outside the man's domain. This behaviour is also based on and stems from existing labour divisions, gender stereotyping of work, ideas about men and women, farmers' wives and farmers and the relations between them.

The above summarized findings in my opinion demonstrate that:
A) the processes of scale enlargement and specialization entail for farmers' wives a loss of control over their own labour, and the labour process as a whole. On farm work tasks are to a greater degree than before controlled by the farmer, and those tasks that the wife performs demand fewer professional skills and involve less damage risk. This has consequences for the satisfaction derived from work, to wit, it diminish . That means that the quality of her labour declines as scale enlargement and specialization increase.
B) These particular consequences of scale enlargement and specialization processes for women's labour are brought about through the mediation of the category gender. Gender is part of all social relations and in this way is an existing part of the economic, technological and political processes that have led to scale enlargement and specialization and of the farm as labour organization, as it is also a part of the economic, social, cultural and political environment in which the family farm is embedded.

DE toekomst van de KPN : een onderzoek naar perspectieven van een organisatie voor plattelandsvrouwen : onderzoeksrapport
Pijnenburg, A. - \ 1991
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Landbouwuniversiteit, Wetenschapswinkel 50) - 53
boeren - instellingen - nederland - particuliere organisaties - plattelandsgemeenschappen - semi-overheidsbedrijven - sociale klassen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - farmers - institutions - netherlands - private organizations - rural communities - semiprivate organizations - social classes - woman's status - women - feminism - woman and society - women's movement
De toekomst van de KPN : brochure ten behoeve van informatie en inspraak
Pijnenburg, A. - \ 1991
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Landbouwuniversiteit, Wetenschapswinkel 49) - 24
boeren - instellingen - nederland - particuliere organisaties - plattelandsgemeenschappen - semi-overheidsbedrijven - sociale klassen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - vrouwenbeweging - farmers - institutions - netherlands - private organizations - rural communities - semiprivate organizations - social classes - woman's status - women - feminism - woman and society - women's movement
Agrarische vrouwen en landinrichting : een voorbeeld van kritisch maatschappijgericht onderzoek : verslag studiedag naar aanleiding van het eerste lustrum 5 oktober 1990
Anonymous, - \ 1990
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel LUW - 19 p.
landbouw - analyse - evaluatie - boeren - landgebruik - bedrijfsvoering - nederland - onderzoek - plattelandsontwikkeling - plattelandsplanning - sociale klassen - vrouwen - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - agriculture - analysis - evaluation - farmers - land use - management - netherlands - research - rural development - rural planning - social classes - women - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism
Positieve acties en culturele transformaties: over de lotgevallen van vrouwen in arbeidsorganisaties.
Doorne-Huiskes, J. van - \ 1990
Wageningen : Landbouwuniversiteit Wageningen - 32
vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - vrouwelijke werknemers - vrouwen - werk - werkgelegenheid - colleges (hoorcolleges) - feminisme - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - female labour - women workers - women - work - employment - lectures - feminism - emancipation of women - female equality
Inaugural speech at the Agricultural University of Wageningen
Wat kunnen agrarische vrouwen hebben aan de Vijfde EG Richtlijn? : Gelijke behandeling vrouwen en mannen in het midden- en kleinbedrijf met inbegrip van de landbouw
Klaver, L. - \ 1989
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 36) - 29
europa - boeren - sociale klassen - vrouwen - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - europe - farmers - social classes - women - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism
Enerzijds is de brochure bedoeld agrarische vrouwen te informeren over de 5e EG-richtlijn gelijke behandeling mannen en vrouwen, anderzijds ter stimulering van vragen en voorstellen voor een herziening van deze richtlijn, die in 1993 zal plaatsvinden. Uiteindelijk zal met deze vragen en voorstellen, die de brochure oplevert, onderzoek worden verricht voor positieverbetering van agrarische vrouwen via de 5e EG-richtlijn
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