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Water Delight: Kleurrijk debat over thema’s heen
Moors, E.J. ; Block, D. de; Bruin, K. de; Liebrand, J. - \ 2015
WageningenWorld (2015)4. - ISSN 2210-7908 - p. 50 - 51.
duurzaamheid (sustainability) - economie - positie van de vrouw - geslacht (gender) - vrouwenemancipatie - milieu - waterbeheer - sustainability - economics - woman - gender - emancipation of women - environment - water management
Hebben we meer vrouwen nodig in watermanagement, of gewoon meer diversiteit aan (sociale) competenties? En hoe brengen we mooie Nederlandse plannen naar implementatie elders? Techniek, milieu, genderproblematiek, economische duurzaamheid: alle kanten van internationaal watermanagement werden belicht tijdens het eerste grote interdisciplinaire debat van KLV op 20 oktober.
The Women’s Movement in South Kivu, DRC: A civil society analysis
Hilhorst, D. ; Bashwira Nyenyezi, M.R. - \ 2014
Wageningen : IS Academy on Human Security in Fragile States (Occasional paper / Special Chair Humanitarian Aid and Reconstruction 11) - 62
congo democratic republic - congo - women - civil society - woman and society - woman's status - women's movement - civil law - qualitative analysis - humanitarian aid - development aid - democratische republiek kongo - vrouwen - maatschappelijk middenveld - vrouw en samenleving - positie van de vrouw - vrouwenbeweging - burgerlijk recht - kwalitatieve analyse - humanitaire hulp - ontwikkelingshulp
Feminization of agricultural production in rural China : a sociological analysis
Meng, X. - \ 2014
University. Promotor(en): Jandouwe van der Ploeg, co-promotor(en): J. Ye; H. Wu. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789461738158 - 178 p.
vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - landbouwproductie - plattelandsvrouwen - familiebedrijven, landbouw - feminisme - sociologie - geslacht (gender) - man-vrouwrelaties - positie van de vrouw - vrouwenemancipatie - vrouwen - landbouw - plattelandsontwikkeling - china - female labour - agricultural production - rural women - family farms - feminism - sociology - gender - gender relations - woman's status - emancipation of women - women - agriculture - rural development
Rural-urban migration of male labour force is an unstoppable process in China. Although some women also migrate to work in cities, most of these women return to the villages after marriage. They need to take care of the children and the family and to work on their smallholder farms. In general, women‟s labour participation in agriculture has increased due to the migration of the male labourers and they have become the main labour force in smallholder agriculture. This thesis is a sociological analysis on the impact of this change on the situation of these women and on smallholder agriculture from the women‟s perspective.
Kansen voor vrouwelijk talent : over carrières en barrières van vrouwen bij Wageningen UR
Lebbink, S. ; Steuten, C. ; Neefjes, M. - \ 2013
Wageningen : Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel 292) - 42 p.
vrouwen - universiteiten - positie van de vrouw - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - gelderland - carrièreontwikkeling - carrièreplanning - women - universities - woman - female equality - career development - career planning
Dit rapport inventariseert de situatie van de doorstroming van vrouwelijke wetenschappers aan Wageningen UR. Zo blijkt er binnen Wageningen University een dik glazen plafond te bestaan, te meten aan de doorstroom van de ene functieschaal naar de volgende. In dit rapport beschrijven we een aantal oorzaken van dit probleem. Tenslotte geven we adviezen voor wat bestuurders en leidinggevenden kunnen doen.
In de voetsporen van de kritische boerin : 25 jaar Landelijke Boerinnen Belangen, 1983-2008
Storm, D. ; Burg, M.P.M. van der - \ 2011
Wageningen : Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wageningen UR, Wetenschapswinkel 278) - 76
plattelandsvrouwen - familiebedrijven, landbouw - positie van de vrouw - agrarische geschiedenis - vrouwenemancipatie - boerenorganisaties - maatschappelijke betrokkenheid - vrouw en samenleving - rural women - family farms - woman's status - agricultural history - emancipation of women - farmers' associations - community involvement - woman and society
Het verhaal van 25 jaar Landelijke Boerinnen Belangen (LBB) geeft in een notendop weer hoe kritische boerinnen hun maatschappelijke betrokkenheid vormgaven. Gestimuleerd door de vrouwenbeweging merkten zij in de zeventig jaren van de vorige eeuw dat zij een andere positie hadden dan de meeste vrouwen. Zij waren niet alleen getrouwd met een man die boer van beroep was, maar ook met zijn bedrijf. Niet alleen economisch, maar ook sociaal waren gezin, huishouden en bedrijf zo met elkaar verweven, dat zij hun positie wel in samenhang moesten bekijken. De geschiedenis van LBB toont hun zoektocht naar de tot dan toe onderbelichte positie van vrouwen in de agrarische sector. Deze boerinnen lieten ook zien hoe het landbouwbeleid en de besluitvorming daarover samenhingen met de knelpunten en problemen die zij in de dagelijkse praktijk tegenkwamen. Zij experimenteerden in hun eigen praktijk, vertaalden hun visies naar beleidsalternatieven en brachten die onder de aandacht bij de landbouworganisaties en ministeries. Voor het eerst lieten boerinnen hun stem horen over landbouwzaken waar zij zich toentertijd verre van dienden te houden.
Single women, land and livelihood vulnerability in an communal area in Zimbabwe
Paradza, G.G. - \ 2010
Wageningen : Wageningen Academic Publishers (AWLAE series no. 9) - ISBN 9789086861460 - 295
ontwikkelingsstudies - vrouwen - plattelandsvrouwen - positie van de vrouw - huwelijk - gezinnen - gezinsstructuur - gezamenlijk eigendom - gemeenschappelijke weidegronden - eigendom - toegang - toegangsrecht - zimbabwe - afrika ten zuiden van de sahara - middelen van bestaan - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - alleenstaanden - burgerlijke staat - development studies - women - rural women - woman's status - marriage - families - family structure - coownership - common lands - ownership - access - right of access - africa south of sahara - livelihoods - livelihood strategies - single persons - civil status
Single women, land and livelihood vulnerability in an communal area in Zimbabwe
Paradza, G.G. - \ 2010
University. Promotor(en): Han van Dijk, co-promotor(en): B. O'Laughlin; J. Stewart. - [S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789085854746 - 307
development studies - women - rural women - woman's status - marriage - families - family structure - coownership - common lands - ownership - common property resources - farming - rural areas - land ownership - access - right of access - zimbabwe - africa south of sahara - livelihoods - livelihood strategies - single persons - civil status - ontwikkelingsstudies - vrouwen - plattelandsvrouwen - positie van de vrouw - huwelijk - gezinnen - gezinsstructuur - gezamenlijk eigendom - gemeenschappelijke weidegronden - eigendom - gemeenschappelijk bezit - landbouw bedrijven - platteland - grondeigendom - toegang - toegangsrecht - afrika ten zuiden van de sahara - middelen van bestaan - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - alleenstaanden - burgerlijke staat
Fragmented lives: reconstructing rural livelihoods in post-genocide Rwanda
Koster, M. - \ 2008
University. Promotor(en): Anke Niehof, co-promotor(en): Georg Frerks; Lisa Price. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085049678 - 468 p.
plattelandsontwikkeling - huishoudens - gezinsinkomen - oorlog - conflict - sociologie - sociale economie - platteland - plattelandsbevolking - huishoudelijke consumptie - zelfvoorzieningslandbouw - landbouw - armoede - plattelandsvrouwen - positie van de vrouw - etnische groepen - rwanda - middelen van bestaan - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - sociaal kapitaal - geslacht (gender) - rural development - households - household income - war - sociology - socioeconomics - rural areas - rural population - household consumption - subsistence farming - agriculture - poverty - rural women - woman's status - ethnic groups - livelihoods - livelihood strategies - social capital - gender
During the genocide in Rwanda (1994) nearly a million Tutsi and moderate Hutu were killed and millions of people were displaced. Since 2002, social scientist Marian Koster has regularly visited the country for her PhD-research at Wageningen University. Her study centred on the strategies that households in the northeast of Rwanda use to secure their livelihoods. During her visits to Rwanda, Koster was told that the poorest and most vulnerable households consist of those headed by women, and specifically those headed by widows. However, her research clearly indicates that this is not the case and that widowed heads of households perform much better than is generally assumed. This has important consequences for development interventions which, in an attempt to reach the poorest of the poor, continue to target widows. Koster’s research also shows that many new laws and policies, meant to increase land tenure security and agricultural production, are counterproductive and directly undermine poor people’s livelihood strategies.
|Tourism and Gender; embodiment, sensuality and experience
Pritchard, A. ; Morgan, N. ; Ateljevic, I. ; Harris, C. - \ 2007
Oxfordshire : CABI - ISBN 9781845932718 - 318
internationaal toerisme - toerisme - man-vrouwrelaties - sociologie - positie van de vrouw - seksueel gedrag - vrouwtjes - mannetjes - menselijk gedrag - geslacht (gender) - international tourism - tourism - gender relations - sociology - woman's status - sexual behaviour - females - males - human behaviour - gender
|Gender Regimes, Citizen Participation and Rural Restructuring
Asztalos Morell, I. ; Bock, B.B. - \ 2007
Oxford : Elsevier (Research in rural sociology and development vol. 13) - ISBN 9780762314201 - 385
sociale participatie - man-vrouwrelaties - mannen - vrouwen - positie van de vrouw - landbouw - sociale economie - recht - instellingen - plattelandssamenleving - plattelandsgemeenschappen - plattelandsontwikkeling - europa - australië - india - geslacht (gender) - vrouw en samenleving - burgers - social participation - gender relations - men - women - woman's status - agriculture - socioeconomics - law - institutions - rural society - rural communities - rural development - europe - australia - gender - woman and society - citizens
Women's agency in relation to population and environment in rural Nepal
Tiwari Pandey, N. - \ 2007
University. Promotor(en): Anke Niehof, co-promotor(en): Lisa Price. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085046967 - 214
plattelandsvrouwen - vrouwen - positie van de vrouw - bevolking - vrouwelijke vruchtbaarheid - milieu - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - vrouwelijke werknemers - landbouw - voedselzekerheid - platteland - nepal - vrouw en samenleving - geslacht (gender) - rural women - women - woman's status - human population - female fertility - environment - sustainability - women workers - agriculture - food security - rural areas - woman and society - gender
This research investigated the complex relationship between population and environment with a focus on women’s role in fertility and the food resource environment. The research was carried out in a Gurung community in Lamjung district, in mid-hill Nepal. The household was taken as the unit of analysis. The study is embedded in demographic theory about population growth and in gender theory. The concept of women’s agency was used to link marriage and fertility patterns with household food provision and management of natural resources. Women’s role in population and the environment is placed in a changing socio-cultural and environmental context. An extensive review of the literature relating to population, environment, gender, household, livelihood and food security was done, after which a field study was carried out. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were applied in empirical data collection. The research problem addressed concerned the impact on the relationship between population and environment of women’s reproductive and productive roles at the household level. The methods used for generating empirical data were: participatory rural appraisal, household food and fertility survey, participant observation, key informants interviews, focus group discussions, and life histories. The household survey was conducted among 350 households, the fertility survey among 343 women aged 15-49. Among forty households food surveys were conducted. A 24-hours food intake recall was done in 31 households. In addition, two PRAs (Participatory Rural Appraisal), ten key informants’ interviews (six males and four females), six case studies and six focus groups discussions, including male and female mixed groups and separate female groups, were conducted. Chi-square tests and regression analysis were applied to elicit significant relationships among the variables. The analysis of the qualitative data was done manually. Agricultural production is the basis for the livelihoods in the area under study. Rice, maize and millet are the main crops produced. Most people are able to survive on their own agricultural production and the resources in their natural surroundings. Jobs in the services sector provide an important source of income, but mainly for men. Most households, however, do not produce enough food to feed them for the whole year. For the majority of the households the agricultural land available for food production is little and fragmented. There is food deficiency in most households prior to harvesting time. People try to safeguard their food security in various ways. They acquire food by growing food crops in the fields, cultivating vegetables in kitchen gardens, buying food, gleaning, collecting food from the forest, and food exchange, in which rice plays the role of ‘currency’. In these activities women play a crucial role. The majority of the people in the area are hard-pressed to meet their food and livelihood needs. Most of the children do not have an adequate calorie intake. Women are the main food producers in the Gurung villages. Gurung women play an important role in agricultural production and other farm activities, forestry, and livestock production and management. When they need additional income to buy food, they may engage in liquor making, running teahouses or other income-generating activities. The heavy workload of Gurung women involves food procurement, production, storage, processing and preparation. Women in the village often lack the social and economic power they need for improving their household’s economic condition. Property rights of women are still a major issue, also at the national level. Women who receive parental property (pewa) are relatively more comfortable compared to those who do not. It can make a difference in their daily life, especially when they have to support their children by themselves because the husband does not fulfil his household duties or has left the first wife with children to marry another wife. The case studies show that women are facing many challenges, especially because of their limited access to land. If the husband is working in the army and receives good pay his wife may feel more secure, because if he dies she is entitled to a pension. If the household income is not enough women engage in income-generating activities to supplement it. When the husband has left her to marry another wife a woman focuses her activities on the future of her children. Divorced and widowed women were found reluctant to remarry for fear of losing their children or jeopardizing their children’s future. The Mid-Marsyangdi Hydro-electric Power Project has had mixed impacts on the local people, causing increasing population pressure and environmental degradation but also enlarging economic opportunities and bringing development in the area. The changes in the area opened up new opportunities for women. In social life women are more respected and through women’s organizations their voice has increased. They can also make use of economic opportunities to improve their livelihood and control their fertility by family planning. The farming environment has changed and improved. Currently, both environmentally and economically sustainable farming systems are being adopted that may not only increase household income but also enrich the diet of the people. At the same time, the development project is creating social, cultural and ecological problems. A lot of new settlements at the road side and other constructions are built on former agricultural land. The level of environmental pollution is rising, as is the incidence of prostitution and public health problems. Migrants from other areas, who were attracted by the project, add to the population pressure. Because of increased population pressure, the limited natural forest resources have declined and degraded. These days, people are more concerned about how to make money than about farming. The cash economy is growing. Rising age at marriage, long spells of separation from the husband in the reproductive period, and increasing use of family planning methods result in fertility levels among the Gurung women in the sample that are lower than the national averages. Child marriage no longer occurs these days and age at marriage among the Gurung women is on the rise. The use of contraception is increasing. Induced abortion has always taken place but is a decreasing trend now. Education proved to be strongly significantly negatively related to fertility. Household income also proved to be significantly related to fertility, though less strongly and positively. Age at first marriage and use of family planning proved to be both significantly negatively related to number of children ever born. A remarkable feature of Gurung culture is the equal value attached to having sons and daughters, particularly given the prevailing preference for sons in Nepal. The mothers groups (Amasamuha) in the villages have started to raise a collective voice against the exploitation of women. They point out that women should not be used only for men’s benefit but be treated as responsible citizens and be respected by the husband’s family for giving birth to children who can inherit the property. Programs and projects that are meant to empower women should be implemented effectively and efficiently. So far, many policies and plans formulated for women’s empowerment by the government exist only on paper. Women’s ownership of land remains a problematic issue, as is the case with women’s access to legal and safe abortion. In this study, women’s agency has been identified as an important factor in controlling population growth, safeguarding household livelihood and food security, and managing natural resources. Women’s agency is the significant link between fertility choices, the food resource environment, and household livelihood and food security. Gurung women’s agency plays a direct role in the timing of marriage, fertility choices, raising children, household formation and management, as well as in alleviating family food shortages. Apart from carrying out their productive and reproductive roles, women also participate in community activities and in efforts to protect the ecological environment. Women’s agency helps to balance population growth and food resources. However, in exercising their agency Gurung women face many practical problems and constraints. They are dependent on the availability of resources and economic conditions and often lack the necessary entitlements and empowerment. Though Gurung women can be shown to be “the pillar” of their household and family, and are active in economic production and social reproduction, their skills and contributions to family and community welfare are still poorly recognized.
Livelihood and food security in rural Bangladesh- the role of social capital
Ali, A. - \ 2005
University. Promotor(en): Anke Niehof. - Wageningen : - ISBN 9085042968 - 264 p.
voedselzekerheid - levensomstandigheden - relaties - gemeenschappen - samenleving - menselijke relaties - man-vrouwrelaties - huishoudens - inkomen - platteland - levensstandaarden - vrouwen - Bangladesh - positie van de vrouw - sociale relaties - vrouw en samenleving - arbeid in de landbouw - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - food security - living conditions - relationships - communities - society - human relations - gender relations - households - income - rural areas - living standards - women - woman's status - social relations - woman and society - farm labour - livelihood strategies
This thesis describes the role of social capital of households and individuals in achieving livelihood and food security. In the research the temporal dimension and gender were cross-cutting perspectives. IFPRI panel data collected during 1996-1997 (pre-flood) and 1999-2000 (post-flood) were analyzed. To complement the IFPRI data an additional survey and the qualitative data was collected during 2001-2003. Panel data analysis shows that gender of the household head does not make a difference in achieving food security at the household level. However, gender of the household member is crucial for attaining individual level food security. Social capital plays an important role in averting vulnerability and sustaining livelihood, and is influenced by the landholding status of the house hold, which seems to function as collateral. The qualitative data revealed that women's social capital, when defined in a broader way, does play a crucial role in achieving household food security and averting vulnerability.
|The making of elite women : Revolution and nation building in Eritrea
Müller, T.R. - \ 2005
Leiden : Brill (Afrika-Studiecentrum series vol. 4) - ISBN 9004142878 - 306
positie van de vrouw - sociale verandering - samenleving - politiek - geschiedenis - eritrea - vrouwen - onderwijs - elitebomen - afgestudeerden - individuen - voortgezet onderwijs - hoger onderwijs - universiteiten - vrouwenemancipatie - vrouw en samenleving - revolutie - woman's status - women - individuals - education - secondary education - higher education - universities - graduates - elites - social change - society - politics - history - revolution - emancipation of women - woman and society
Tegelijkertijd en tussendoor : gender, plattelandsontwikkeling en interactief beleid
Bock, B.B. - \ 2002
University. Promotor(en): Jandouwe van der Ploeg; J. van Doorne-Huiskes. - S.l. : s.n.] - ISBN 9789058085856 - 206
plattelandsontwikkeling - man-vrouwrelaties - positie van de vrouw - overheidsbeleid - plattelandsvrouwen - besluitvorming - participatie - nederland - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - rural development - gender relations - woman's status - rural women - participation - decision making - government policy - netherlands - relations between people and state
This study sets out to explain the specific character of women's participation in rural development. Its focuses on the fact that although rural women take an active part in practical initiatives they do not figure in the process of rural policy decision making, neither do they make use of those policy instruments meant to stimulate bottom-up innovative initiatives. The absence of women in the policy process is surprising, as the participation of rural inhabitants is one of the primary objectives of the Dutch government's new, interactive model of policy making.
A two-fold approach is used to analyse the manner in which women participate. The general framework employed here to analyse and understand rural development is derived from endogenous rural development theory. Emphasis is put on the role rural inhabitants' play in the process of change. Rural development does not just happen to them or emerge as a result of development policy. It is co-produced and defined by rural peoples' activities and initiatives. The specific line of action women follow in this process is studied from a rational choice perspective. The rational choice approach fits in with the endogenous theory of rural development as both approaches presuppose purposeful and goal-oriented behaviour in men and women and their ability to overcome restrictions. As this study assumes, this agency is reflected in the choices women make. Analysing the choice process can explain why women prefer different solutions to men and looks beyond the exclusion of women from the policy process. By analysing the considerations that motivate rural women to follow a specific approach, it is possible to respect the agency of women but to take external factors beyond their control into account as well.
This approach also provides an opportunity to clarify the meaning of gender within endogenous rural development theory and to explain the interaction between gender and endogenous development. The following questions must, therefore, be answered. First, how can we explain the inequality in the chances open to women and men when it comes to participating in rural development within a theoretical framework that presupposes the goal-oriented behaviour of actors and their ability to overcome restrictions. Given this assumption it would be reasonable to expect that both sexes would be able to take part in the process of change. This first question leads directly to a second. It is often assumed that the endogenous model of development offers women a better chance of active participation than other exogenous development models. Is this assumption correct?
The objectives of this study include an analysis of how the introduction of the interactive governance model has affected the participation of women. The expectation was that interactive politics (like endogenous development) would provide women with more opportunities for participation. However, this has not been theoretically elaborated or empirically tested.
1 Research questions
The research questions explored draw on the results of several research projects. These studies have examined Dutch rural women 's participation in rural development from different perspectives - the initiatives taken by rural women take themselves, their representation in the policy process and the way they use policy instruments. As a result it is possible to get a thorough picture of women's role in the development process and to understand the interrelation between different facets.
Initially two hypotheses were formulated. These seek to explain the behaviour of women, first as a reaction to not having the resources necessary to access the policy process, and second as the desire of women to generate extra benefits by choosing a practice-oriented participation mode. The empirical results confirm the relevance of the chosen theoretical approach but also give reason to change and further elaborate the hypotheses.
Research question 1
Why do most rural women prefer to participate in rural development by way of practical initiatives?
The study demonstrates that the approach women choose is characterised by a specific pattern of activities rather than by a clear-cut preference of a certain type of initiatives. Other than might be expected women do not only undertake economic or social initiatives but develop political ones as well. Furthermore, they do not always act as individuals: they take collective action as well. Women do design all their activities in a similar way. Their initiatives are generally small scale and informal in organisation. Their participation in activities is non-committal. This ensures that any activity undertaken will fit into the multi-tasking scheme that typifies a rural woman's responsibilities.
When it comes to economic business most women prefer to act on their own. By keeping things in their own hands they want to limit financial risk. By performing their tasks ' simultaneously and in between ' they want to prevent the farm and their families from suffering because of their new commitments. Their political initiatives take place in the informal political sphere: outside established political structures and within loosely structured voluntary groups in which they participate as private individuals and not as ' representatives ' .
These groups often concentrate on practical problems in women's direct environment. However, women co-operate for other reasons as well. In their groups liked-minded women exchange knowledge and experience and offer each other moral support in dealing with the critical attitude of many of their colleagues, relatives and even friends. As a result of their informal and small-scale nature, women's activities and groups often remain unseen by policy makers. These gatekeepers of the policy process do not know of the initiatives being taken by women and women's groups and do not acknowledge their political character. As a result they do not perceive rural women as relevant participants in the policy process.
As might be expected women choose their course of action because they assess the costs involved to be low and expect that the activities will fit easily in their other responsibilities. In doing so they take the existing gender-specific division of labour in agriculture and rural society as their point of reference, and the traditional norms and values that confirm this division. By starting their new activities cautiously and out of sight, women try to come up to the traditional standards of good behaviour.
But in the course of time women's behaviour generally changes and begins to bear more resemblance to the way men approach development matters. This is especially true when new economic activities are being considered for the farm. Although women start their activities in a small and cautious way, they prepare themselves for making bigger investments and professionalising their business in the long run. This is a result of the re-evaluation of the costs and benefits experienced. Some of the initially important costs lose importance whereas some of the benefits regain significance. Women learn that their approach may lead to additional problems because working methods are not efficient or result in a huge workload, stress and loss of time. Moreover, the chosen line of action may not be able to guarantee that certain costs can be prevented. Many women have, for example, found that people will criticise their initiatives whatever precautions they may take. However, when backed up by the knowledge that others appreciate their activities and motivated by the satisfaction derived from seeing their ambitions realised, women become capable of detaching themselves from their traditional environment. The supportive attitude of their own partner is of particular importance as is the backing they find in co-operating with other women.
The cost-reducing character of the way women participate can explain why women have chosen for a specific line of action. At the same time, however, it seems to be a temporary solution and typical of a starters ' model. Although the choice is limited in the beginning and the preference for a cautious start self-evident, the room for manoeuvre expands over time. Women take an active part in this expansion by creating and collecting extra resources, mobilising moral support and by developing a more self-conscious and independent attitude. This is the moment when external and policy-driven support should be offered. But up to now policy makers have not taken the characteristic women's approach with its typical dynamic into account.
Research question 2
Why does the introduction of an interactive governance model hardly affect women's involvement in rural development whereas its primary objective is to promote bottom-up participation?
The study demonstrates that the interactivity of the rural governance process is still very limited. It is mainly the government and the established political organisations that develop and implement rural policy. Economic problems and interests continue to attract the most attention and to determine the selection of political players. Women's access to the policy process remains restricted as many of the structures and rules of the old (neo-corporate) governance-model are still in operation. Consequentially the door continues to be closed to all those who do not possess the relevant political resources. The culture of the governance process has hardly changed. It is still dominated by disagreements and conflicting interests. These residues of traditional governance restrict women's access and hinder the functioning of those few women who do succeed in entering the policy process.
However, attempts to renew rural policy and governance have not been totally unsuccessful. The policy process is moving in a new direction. This is especially true for policy implementation that is being handled in a more interactive way. The implementation structures have become more informally organised and are therefore more accessible for rural inhabitants. In addition, an important task of the implementation committees is to communicate with rural inhabitants. Rural women participate relatively often in these committees, which confirms the positive relation between interactive policy making and governance on the one hand and the participation of women on the other. Women's influence on the content of policy is still limited, however, because the formulation and implementation of policy remain separate and women seldom succeed in entering the policy formulation process.
Engagement in the policy process carries high costs for women. There is the material expense of childcare and travel, for example, and rural women's organisations are generally unable to cover these costs sufficiently. Even more important though are the non-material costs that arise as a result of the opposition and resistance rural women and their organisations encounter when they demonstrate their political ambitions. The general disapproval of politically active women within the agricultural sector is an important factor. In addition, the established farm unions are afraid that separate representation of men and women will lead to conflicts of interest. Farm unions want to form a block of common agricultural interests against other interest groups and they put pressure on women to conform to this strategy. For many (farm) women this results in an inner struggle and high and painful costs as they feel they are being pushed to choose between loyalty to farming and loyalty to rural women.
The expectation that women will have different ideas about rural development than men provides regional governments with an important motive for involving women in the decision-making process. The potential conflict of interests between men and women may thus positively affect women's participation. The government's dominant position in the selection of participants may also work in favour of women's participation. However, here rural women's organisations confront a difficult dilemma. By following their own course of action as far as rural development is concerned, their chances of political participation increase, their political influence is strengthened and governmental support is gained. At the same time, however, they run the risk of loosing the support of the farm union. The alternative is to choose the side of established agricultural organisations and run the risk of putting the justification for women's separate representation on the line and of loosing the chance to defend the specific interests of rural women. Individual women, who succeed in entering the political arena, encounter similar problems. They find it extremely difficult maintaining themselves in this arena because the justification and value of their input is continuously under dispute.
It cannot be concluded from this study that women do not prefer to participate in formal politics. However, the fact that political participation carries high costs supports the assumption that participation in the policy process is not attractive for most women. Participation in the informal rural development arena involves fewer costs. In addition in the eyes of many women this type of participation carries a greater chance of success because it focuses on finding solutions to concrete problems.
The high fence between the policy process on the one hand and the initiatives of ordinary rural inhabitants on the other are of importance too. Because of the lack of contact between policy and practice, the policy makers and the policy process remain invisible and unknown to most rural people. The prevalent distrust of politics in general and rural policy in particular play an important role here as well. The decision of women to restrict their involvement in rural development to their own backyard can thus count on more approval in their environment than a decision to get involved in policy making and co-operating with government to formulate governmental rural policy.
Research question 3
Why do rural women make hardly any use of the instruments the government installed to promote and support bottom-up initiatives?
Women make very little use of government subsidies. Moreover, in comparison to men, their proposals have little chance of approval. As expected this is to some extent the result of women's lack of the resources (time, money and contacts) that, de facto, regulate access to government subsidies. More important still is that the subsidy scheme presupposes a line of action and development model that is at odds with the approach preferred by women. As a result, from the start, women's projects have very little chance of being considered sufficiently innovative or worthy of subsidies. The instruments installed by government are, therefore, of little use to women. The same is true for others who may choose a similar approach. As the approach women prefer and the endogenous developmental approach are very similar, it can be concluded that the main Dutch rural development subsidy scheme is unsuitable for the promotion and support of endogenous development.
Whether the inaccessibility of subsidies motivates women to choose a different course of action right from the start cannot be deduced directly from an analysis of the subsidy scheme. However, it is very likely taking into account the many activities women develop without asking for subsidies. Moreover, women do not consider the rejection of a proposal to be a reason for giving up their activities. Seeing that they cannot access extra finance, women will return to their original, gradual and step-by-step model of innovation. The Dutch government shows little appreciation and support for this kind of innovation and paradoxically, it is just this attitude that continuously reconfirms and reproduces this type of women's approach and action. By refusing access to external resources, the government forces women either to break-off their initiatives or look for alternative solutions. In this way the different behaviour patterns of women and men are sustained and their differences in resources, status and position within the development process reinforced.
2 The choice of women's approach of rural development
Within the endogenous theory of rural development is has been impossible to explain why the course of action chosen by women is different to that chosen by men. This is because the endogenous approach presupposes the goal-oriented behaviour of actors but does not elaborate it any further theoretically. In this study it is tried to do this by analysing the behaviour of women from a rational choice perspective and by integrating additional theoretical concepts. In this way the different behaviour of women can be better understood and explained taking the unequal position of women and men into account without loosing sight of women's agency.
Rural women are just as capable as rural men of acting purposefully and in a goal-oriented way to overcome restrictions. The conditions under which they take decisions and act, however, differ because of the unequal position occupied women in society. Rural women do not only experience different restrictions to men but these restrictions have another significance. Rural women have limited access to economic and political resources and this together with the gender-specific norms governing proper behaviour play a particularly important role. Moreover, gender-specific behavioural rules affect the goals of both men and women and their relative importance. In short, the difference in resources, goals and priority of goals have to been taken into account as does the different and gender-specific distribution of costs, benefits and chances of success associated with specific lines of actions. As a result women and men have different amounts of space in which to manoeuvre. In typical male domains such as politics, women have a very limited amount of room to manoeuvre even if there is no sign of direct exclusion or prohibitions. Rural women may choose to take part in the policy process, but getting access will result in higher costs for women than for men. The alternative, more cautious women's approach invokes less resistance, is less expensive and offers, many women claim, more chance of success. A more even balance of costs and benefits explains why women's prefer such an approach.
The circumstances under which women make choices change over time and in part as a result of women's behaviour. Women expand their room for manoeuvre by generating extra resources and re-evaluating the importance of costs and benefit. Moreover, they distance themselves from the traditional behavioural code prominent in their environment and become less concerned about criticism from others. As a result different modes of behaviour become possible.
By making use of the concepts described above it becomes possible to explain why women and men act and participate in rural development in different ways and to understand the reasons for these differences. The application of a rational choice-perspective allows us not only to clarify the gender-specific character of the rural development process but also to identify the other inequalities that determine the chances of participation and the way in which it occurs. From this study it is clear that it is precisely by choosing their own and different solutions that actors express their ability to act despite the presence of restrictions. Acting in a different way can, therefore, be explained as a decision that actors take in favour of a particular participation mode because it is the one that best fits in with their circumstances. How much chance different participation modes have of influencing the development process will depend on its social and political context and the social position of the actors concerned. This also explains why differences in participation mode and chances between (groups of) actors reproduce other (social) differences as well. The agency of actors is limited by the restrictions that control access to all sorts of resources and which reflect status and position in society. The reward and disapproval of others is another important determinant of action.
3 Gender, endogenous development and interactive governance
Rural women's approach to rural development resembles the endogenous approach in mechanisms and intrinsic logic. This is especially true where new farm activities are concerned and here the endogenous model seems to be the women's line of development par excellence. Taking this observation as a point of departure policy makers ' recognition and promotion of endogenous development could be expected to entail an approval of women's approach to rural development as well. Moreover, their policy could be expected to offer women good opportunities to participate in the mainstream development process.
A similar line of argument leads to the expectation that interactive governance and policy making will promote rural women's involvement. The informalisation of political structures, broadening of the political agenda and clearance of traditional restrictions, should render the policy process more accessible for rural women. It should, moreover, attract more women as it gives more room to the more informal political manner of rural women and the political issues that have their specific interest. An interactive policy model is not, however, only of interest to women. Because of the increasing possibilities of co-operation between policy makers and rural people, interactive politics are also considered a prerequisite of successful endogenous development.
The access the endogenous development model and an interactive policy and governance process grant to rural women results in the first place from the approval and recognition of participation modes previously considered deviant and irrelevant. Secondly, both models foresee a fundamental change in processes and structures, which traditionally hampered the participation of women. In short, the organisational structure and ideological framework from which behaviour is evaluated have changed. And with the entrance of different political actors and rules the distribution of power and influence changes as well. Theoretically, rural women should get not only more appreciation for their involvement in rural development but more voice in the process as well.
This study, however, demonstrates that in reality this has only been achieved to a very limited degree. In part this is due to the fact that the fundamental renewal of the development and policy process, for which many policy documents have pleaded, has by and large remained rhetoric. In reality many of the traditional obstacles rural women experience have survived, together with old political structures, processes and definitions. Policy instruments offer those submitters who follow the rural women's or endogenous approach, little support as the instruments are build on the assumption of the traditional development model. The policy process has hardly changed and rural women have less access to policy negotiations compared to those men who represent the traditional governmental partners. Other newcomers have difficulty in passing through the traditional gateway too. However, it is rural women who experience the most opposition as they fight against the prejudices that would marginalise them as political irrelevant and ignorant.
But even if the endogenous development model were followed strictly, the equal participation of rural women would still not be guaranteed. As far as individual women are concerned, the endogenous model offers new opportunities for participation and acknowledgement. It is when the switch is made from the individual to the collective and regional development level envisaged in the endogenous model that it becomes clear that women face more obstacles than men. As this study demonstrates rural women groups do not only operate on a small scale, they remain stuck in the informal arena as well. They rarely meet administrators, policy makers or the well-known carriers of regional development in their own environment. Consequentially they have little chance to take part in formal policy making and to affect the rural development process as a whole. This is particularly so when the renewal of the policy process lags behind and traditional mechanisms and processes continue to function.
However, even where there has been a successful renewal of governance, rural women still experience many disadvantages and restrictions as a result of their unequal position in (rural) society. The government's responsibility as far as rural women's participation is concerned, therefore, goes beyond the invitation of women (or other new groups) to take part in decision-making and the adaptation of political structures and processes. It is also responsible for creating the preconditions that will allow rural women's participation to be successful and effective. The government should, therefore, offer material support to the representatives of new and not (yet) well-established organisations that still need this kind of support. Furthermore it should make sure that the input of newcomers is respected and taken seriously by all participants.
Despite these remarks it must be said that the introduction of the endogenous development model and the interactive model of governance and policy making is an important step forward in promoting rural women's participation. Until recently, efforts to advance equal participation generally consisted of little more that extra support that would enable women to behave more like men. This compensation has not only been insufficient in most cases but has merely served to reconfirm the status of women as stay-behind and needy persons. The introduction of a new development and governance model implies the deconstruction of restrictions that are intrinsic to traditional structures and processes. Still more important is that the new model breaks through the traditional images and definitions of relevant participation and participants. Within the new development policy rural women's different behaviour does not necessarily imply less respect and less influence anymore. By considering women's way of participation to be equal to men's and by offering women equal conditions for influencing the development and policy process, the government is supporting the realisation of more equal gender relations in agriculture and rural society as a whole. For lasting development this is an important precondition.
|Individualisering loont? Inkomen en vermogen van vrouwelijke zelfstandigen in de land- en tuinbouw en verblijfsrecreatie
Overbeek, M.M.M. - \ 2001
Tijdschrift voor sociaalwetenschappelijk onderzoek van de landbouw 16 (2001)1. - ISSN 0921-481X - p. 24 - 33.
arbeidskrachten in de landbouw - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - ondernemerschap - inkomsten uit het landbouwbedrijf - inkomen van landbouwers - positie van de vrouw - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - verblijfsrecreatie - agricultural manpower - female labour - entrepreneurship - farm income - farmers' income - woman's status - farm management - short stay tourism
Het verdienen van inkomen en vermogen verschuift van huishoudens naar het niveau van individuen. Aan de hand van een enquête onder vrouwelijke zelfstandigen die zelf eigenaar zijn van een onderneming of waarvan de levenspartner eigenaar is, is onderzocht in hoeverre deze ontwikkeling bij zelfstandigen in de landbouw en verblijfsrecreatie plaatsvindt en in hoeverre vrouwen inkomen en onroerende zaken krijgen
De Nederlandse vissersvrouw : rol, positie en ambitie van echtgenotes van Nederlandse kottereigenaren
Hoefnagel, E.W.J. ; Smits, M.J.W. - \ 2000
Den Haag : LEI (Rapport / LEI ) - ISBN 9789052425719 - 77 p.
visserij - vrouwen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwenemancipatie - fisheries - women - woman's status - emancipation of women
|De sociaal-economische emancipatie index : een voorstudie voor een monitor-onderzoek naar de sociaal-economische positie van vrouwen en mannen in Nederland
Maassen, H. van den; Groot, W. - \ 1999
Den Haag : Ministerie van Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegenheid - ISBN 9789057492655 - 58
vrouwen - mannen - positie van de vrouw - arbeid (werk) - inkomen - arbeidsmarkt - Nederland - economische situatie - emancipatie - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - women - men - woman's status - labour - income - labour market - Netherlands - economic situation - emancipation - emancipation of women - female equality
Peasant women and access to land : customary law, state law and gender-based ideology : the case of the Toba-Batak (North Sumatra)
Simbolon, I.J. - \ 1998
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): F. von Benda-Beckmann. - S.l. : Simbolon - ISBN 9789054858874 - 324 p.
bezit - land - grondeigendom - sociale klassen - boeren - grondbeleid - economie - pachtstelsel - ruimtelijke ordening - landgebruik - zonering - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - sumatra - vrouwenbeweging - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - property - land ownership - social classes - farmers - land policy - economics - tenure systems - physical planning - land use - zoning - woman's status - women - women's movement - feminism - woman and society
<p>This study is about opportunities, constraints and strategies regarding access to land of peasant women who live in the changing Toba-Batak patrilineal community of North Sumatra. Their access to land is seen in the wider context of the ongoing pressure of land scarcity due to individualization, statization and privatization of communal land. The study challenges the adequacy of ongoing research on peasant women's access rights to land in developing countries. It challenges first, the adequacy of feminist theories in handling cross-cultural aspects of power and gender relation; secondly, the adequacy of peasantry theories to deal with peasant women; and thirdly, the adequacy of legal theories in understanding the complexity of plural normative orderings in developing countries.</p><p>All in all, the study challenges the assumption that individual private property and control over land under the state legal framework is the ultimate way to secure the well being and empowerment of women. The objectives of the study are threefold. First, to show how different normative and institutional frameworks order the allocation of land resources. Secondly, to understand how colonial, religious, state, economic and political frameworks affect women, by underpinning local patterns of inequality. Thirdly, to assess the possibilities for differential access rights to land by peasant women and men.</p><p>The study attempts to answer two sets of questions. The first sets of questions relates to changing familial and inter-lineage relation to land and its impact on women. How have the Toba-Batak conceptualised access rights to land over time? What changes have been brought about by the German missionaries, Dutch colonial administration and post-colonial state? Do women benefit from the plural normative orderings in acquiring access rights to land? The second set of questions relates to the pressure on communal land and its impact on women. What is the importance and function of communal land in Toba-Batak society? How does control over communal land shift to the state and private investors? What are the implications of the diminishing of communal land to local villagers? What kind of overt and covert resistance do they reveal? How do they strategize their access to land in relations to the state's increasing control over land?</p><p>Following chapter one which provides the overall background of the study, chapter two introduces the situation of the Toba-Batak changing society in colonial times where the inception of legal pluralism has started to occur. The first western influence, Protestant Christianity, introduced quot;a process of individualization and secularization" to the Toba-Batak society . The christianization of the Toba-Batak had, to a great extent, smoothed the path for the Dutch to gain a strong foothold. Both the Germans and the Dutch had, in different ways, introduced the idea of incorporating leadership beyond the traditional spatial-lineage areas, characterized by a rigid hierarchical power structure. But it was the power of the state (in this case colonial rule) that was becoming more and more central to the further process of change, even though this power had been under continuous attack both by the (German) missionaries and the Toba-Batak themselves.</p><p>The western colonial influence affected all areas of life, including those related to land and the position of women. Land tenure was selectively detached from its relation to the sacred nature of <em>adat</em> and from the essence of the <em>adat</em> community as "an association of worship whose members every once in a while strengthened the union among themselves or the union with the ancestors through celebrations". The efforts to ideologically detach land matters from the sacred nature of the <em>adat</em> created room to re-negotiate new relations to land, both internally within lineage relations and externally with outside actors. The changing internal relations may concern gender, as was the case with the education of female students and various more gender-neutral colonial jurisprudence. The promotion of the principle of gender equality into the Toba-Batak rigid, patrilineal society is, therefore, to be seen in the wider process of the "de-sacralization of adat". Likewise, the changing external land relations may be concerned with the emerging of (new) outside actors in accessing, managing and allocating the local land, a process in which the (colonial)state, individual Bataks and non-Bataks and private companies come into the picture.</p><p>Chapter three demonstrates how contemporary Toba-Batak society is affected by the increasing power of the (post-colonial) state, especially during the New Order period. The Toba-Batak has become one local part of the wider Indonesian state that tries to develop its national economy. A major attempt to pursue the unification and centralisation project of the state is through the expansion of state modern bureaucracy and administration down to village level while neutralizing the <em>adat</em> principles and authorities which are often considered inconsistent with (universal) national ideals of justice (cf., Wignjosoebroto 1994 and 1997). Contrary to the patrilineal and highly patriarchal Toba-Batak <em>adat</em> , the Indonesian Constitution incorporates the principle of gender equality for all citizens. With the strengthening of state power, there are competing rights and rules pertaining to land, deriving from different sets of authority: the state and the <em>adat</em> . This multiplicity of rights and rules governing the land is not situated in a vacuum, but in the context of a dynamic process of land concentration <em>vis-a-vis</em> land scarcity. State intervention in the process of statization and privatization has been driven by contradictory forces between national economic ambition on the one hand, and the urgency for a more sustainable local resource management on the other.</p><p>Chapter four and five result from the field-work in North Sumatra. Chapter four deals with the issue of access rights to land in a relatively normal daily life situation of internal village and lineage relations, based on a village study conducted in Siraja Hutagalung. Because of the pressure of land scarcity, the basic traditional practice of acquiring land through clearing an empty land or forest no longer occurs. This results in the two categories of acquiring access rights to land, namely the "generational and affinal transactions" which are heavily gender-biased and "reciprocal and economic transactions" which are geared towards fulfilling the function of an equitable distribution of basic livelihood, augmenting economic benefits and confirming each other's political position within the kinship and residential unit. Gender-based arrangement in accessing rights to land is the foremost and the only traditional way to keep the land within the restricted boundaries of the patrilineage.</p><p>Chapter five provides an analysis of the ongoing conflicts on communal land that presently mark the relationships between the local people, the state authorities and private enterprise. The chapter demonstrates how the different notions of Toba-Batak's and women's access rights to (communal)land from different levels of normative orders and institutions are challenged, contested, conceded and reconfirmed. The discussion is located in the wider context of the changing political-economy because of the incorporation into the national economy. Three cases presented, namely Dolok Martalitali, Sugapa and Parbuluan, indicate how peasant men and women are affected by, and at the same time react to, the ongoing statization and privatization process of land under the state legal framework.</p><p>In chapter six I return to conclude the various factors of change among the Toba-Batak which affect the "layered structure of property regimes" (Benda-Beckmann, forthcoming). The multifold function attributed to land proves to be the most important factor in explaining the attitude of Toba-Batak peasant women towards the rule of patrilineality in accessing rights to land within inter-lineage and familial relations. The current shift of allocation rights over communal land from the <em>adat</em> community to the state has noticeably marginalised the residing local people and the <em>adat</em> community both in the initial process of land transfer and in the subsequent process of deciding its use and exploitation. The findings of the study support the argument that the state development policy and practice often place more emphasis on the economic function of land while neglecting other functions a communal land might have for the local people. For women, it is the temporal dimension of the socio-economic security aspect of communal land affecting their reproductive task which is at stake in the process of land expropriation.</p><p>I discuss some theoretical implications of the study. Rather than looking at kinship as a clear-cut and self-evident factor of hindering gender-equality or enabling it, the empirical study on Toba-Batak society has suggested that kinship simultaneously functions as both enabling and hindering factor for women's access rights to land under different circumstances. I am of the opinion that there is no such thing as gender solidarity among Toba-Batak women because their identity is shaped more by their kinship affiliation and position of seniority within kinship ranks rather than simply by gender. On the other hand, it is the resistance of peasant women against any outside intervention that makes the Toba-Batak struggle over communal land into a basic struggle over both resources and meanings as well as a struggle that shapes the borderline between the local groups' interests and that of the private investors <em>vis-a-vis</em> the state.</p><p>The study also indicates that legal pluralism is a fact while the claim that state law is the only law is rather mythical. Based on this, the study concludes that gender-equality claim that state legal structures and norms directly cause and determine action for the betterment of women is highly questionable. The introduction of state law into matters related to land tends to detach land rights from wider social relationships, thereby neutralizing the restriction to endow land to women as well as the alienation of land to outsiders. These are seen in principal as opposing their Toba-Batak adat of patrilineality. On the other hand, in the cases relating to the expropriation of communal, the state law and judiciary system are seen as threatening rather than defending the interests of peasant women and the local community against the interests of private investors.</p>
|Nuclear Families and the Changing Income Procurement Role of Married Women.
Ophem, J.A.C. van; Hoog, K. de - \ 1997
Associations 1 (1997)2. - p. 279 - 295.
positie van de vrouw - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - gezinsinkomen - kerngezinnen - gezinsleven - werkgelegenheid - sociale verandering - economische situatie - levensstandaarden - culturele verandering - arbeidsmarkt - tijdsbesteding - huishoudkunde - man-vrouwrelaties - nederland - vrouwenemancipatie - vrouw en samenleving - woman's status - female labour - household income - nuclear families - family life - employment - social change - economic situation - living standards - cultural change - labour market - time allocation - home economics - gender relations - netherlands - emancipation of women - woman and society
In this article the authors argue that the increase in labour force participation of married women in the Netherlands is not to be seen as indicating married women's increased emancipation but rather as an outcome of socio-structural, socio-cultural and socio-economic changes within society that severly restrict wives' freedom of choice in their decisions to allocate their time
Rights of women to the natural resources land and water.
Benda-Beckmann, K. von; Bruijn, M. de; Dijk, J.W.M. van; Hesseling, G. ; Koppen, B. van; Res, L. - \ 1997
The Hague : Ministry of Foreign Affairs - ISBN 9789053281505 - 59
waterbeleid - waterwegen - waterbeheer - watervoorraden - ruimtelijke ordening - landgebruik - zonering - ontwikkelingslanden - vrouwen - recht - positie van de vrouw - hydrologie - nederland - water policy - waterways - water management - water resources - physical planning - land use - zoning - developing countries - women - law - woman's status - hydrology - netherlands