Staff Publications

Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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Een wijndrinker is geen bierdrinker
Sluik, Diewertje - \ 2014
wines - beers - alcohol intake - alcoholic beverages - social classes
Boeren aan de macht? Boerenemancipatie en machtsverhoudingen op het Gelderse platteland, 1880-1930
Cruyningen, P.J. van - \ 2010
Hilversum : Verloren (Historische studies naar platteland, landschap en milieu ) - ISBN 9789087042028 - 327
boeren - arbeid in de landbouw - emancipatie - landbouwcoöperaties - plattelandsontwikkeling - cultuurgeschiedenis - sociale klassen - nederland - gelderland - farmers - farm labour - emancipation - agricultural cooperatives - rural development - cultural history - social classes - netherlands
Uitbreiding van het kiesrecht, de opkomst van politieke partijen en verzuiling, en de groei van de coöperatieve beweging leidden in de periode 1880-1930 tot grote veranderingen in de sociale en politieke organisatie van het Gelderse platteland. In dit boek wordt onderzocht of deze ontwikkelingen de politieke emancipatie van de boerenbevolking tot gevolg had. Kregen de boeren meer macht op het platteland? Piet van Cruyningen laat zien, dat dit maar ten dele het geval was. Kleinere boeren kregen weliswaar meer toegang tot de macht, maar de invloed van traditionele elites van grote boeren kalfde juist af. Het eindresultaat van de veranderingen was paradoxaal. Enerzijds lijken in de lokale en regionale politiek vooral de niet-agrarische middengroepen meer invloed te verwerven. Anderzijds werd een hecht netwerk van door boeren bestuurde verenigingen en coöperaties opgebouwd: de basis voor het later zo machtige ‘Groene Front’.
Petén: ¿la última frontera? : la construcción social de una región
Hurtado Paz y Paz, K.M. - \ 2010
University. Promotor(en): Jandouwe van der Ploeg, co-promotor(en): Alberto Arce. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085853831 - 303 p.
rurale sociologie - plattelandsontwikkeling - sociale verandering - ontwikkelingsprojecten - sociale economie - plaatselijke bevolking - sociale klassen - migratie - overheidsbeleid - migranten - guatemala - ontwikkelingslanden - centraal-amerika - sociaal conflict - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - rural sociology - rural development - social change - development projects - socioeconomics - local population - social classes - migration - government policy - migrants - developing countries - central america - social conflict - relations between people and state - livelihood strategies
Lessen uit een eeuw stedelijke problematiek
Peters, K.B.M. - \ 2007
Vrijetijdstudies 25 (2007). - ISSN 1384-2439 - p. 51 - 52.
woonwijken - stadsontwikkeling - stedelijke planning - sociale ontwikkeling - sociale klassen - stadsomgeving - residential areas - urban development - urban planning - social development - social classes - urban environment
Een bespreking van een nieuw boek van Leo Lucassen en Wim Willems (red.) genaamd De krachtige stad, een eeuw omgang en ontwijking. De ontwikkeling van steden heeft de aandacht van velen. Politici, bestuurders, marktpartijen, bewoners en onderzoekers houden zich al decennia lang bezig met de stedelijke vernieuwing, de problemen die zich in steden voordoen en op welke wijze deze problemen het beste kunnen worden opgelost. Zijn de huidige problemen nieuw? In het boek wordt aan de hand van verschillende casussen gekeken of er vergelijkingen te trekken zijn tussen het verleden en de huidige tijd
Peasant women and access to land : customary law, state law and gender-based ideology : the case of the Toba-Batak (North Sumatra)
Simbolon, I.J. - \ 1998
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): F. von Benda-Beckmann. - S.l. : Simbolon - ISBN 9789054858874 - 324 p.
bezit - land - grondeigendom - sociale klassen - boeren - grondbeleid - economie - pachtstelsel - ruimtelijke ordening - landgebruik - zonering - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - sumatra - vrouwenbeweging - feminisme - vrouw en samenleving - property - land ownership - social classes - farmers - land policy - economics - tenure systems - physical planning - land use - zoning - woman's status - women - women's movement - feminism - woman and society
<p>This study is about opportunities, constraints and strategies regarding access to land of peasant women who live in the changing Toba-Batak patrilineal community of North Sumatra. Their access to land is seen in the wider context of the ongoing pressure of land scarcity due to individualization, statization and privatization of communal land. The study challenges the adequacy of ongoing research on peasant women's access rights to land in developing countries. It challenges first, the adequacy of feminist theories in handling cross-cultural aspects of power and gender relation; secondly, the adequacy of peasantry theories to deal with peasant women; and thirdly, the adequacy of legal theories in understanding the complexity of plural normative orderings in developing countries.</p><p>All in all, the study challenges the assumption that individual private property and control over land under the state legal framework is the ultimate way to secure the well being and empowerment of women. The objectives of the study are threefold. First, to show how different normative and institutional frameworks order the allocation of land resources. Secondly, to understand how colonial, religious, state, economic and political frameworks affect women, by underpinning local patterns of inequality. Thirdly, to assess the possibilities for differential access rights to land by peasant women and men.</p><p>The study attempts to answer two sets of questions. The first sets of questions relates to changing familial and inter-lineage relation to land and its impact on women. How have the Toba-Batak conceptualised access rights to land over time? What changes have been brought about by the German missionaries, Dutch colonial administration and post-colonial state? Do women benefit from the plural normative orderings in acquiring access rights to land? The second set of questions relates to the pressure on communal land and its impact on women. What is the importance and function of communal land in Toba-Batak society? How does control over communal land shift to the state and private investors? What are the implications of the diminishing of communal land to local villagers? What kind of overt and covert resistance do they reveal? How do they strategize their access to land in relations to the state's increasing control over land?</p><p>Following chapter one which provides the overall background of the study, chapter two introduces the situation of the Toba-Batak changing society in colonial times where the inception of legal pluralism has started to occur. The first western influence, Protestant Christianity, introduced quot;a process of individualization and secularization" to the Toba-Batak society . The christianization of the Toba-Batak had, to a great extent, smoothed the path for the Dutch to gain a strong foothold. Both the Germans and the Dutch had, in different ways, introduced the idea of incorporating leadership beyond the traditional spatial-lineage areas, characterized by a rigid hierarchical power structure. But it was the power of the state (in this case colonial rule) that was becoming more and more central to the further process of change, even though this power had been under continuous attack both by the (German) missionaries and the Toba-Batak themselves.</p><p>The western colonial influence affected all areas of life, including those related to land and the position of women. Land tenure was selectively detached from its relation to the sacred nature of <em>adat</em> and from the essence of the <em>adat</em> community as "an association of worship whose members every once in a while strengthened the union among themselves or the union with the ancestors through celebrations". The efforts to ideologically detach land matters from the sacred nature of the <em>adat</em> created room to re-negotiate new relations to land, both internally within lineage relations and externally with outside actors. The changing internal relations may concern gender, as was the case with the education of female students and various more gender-neutral colonial jurisprudence. The promotion of the principle of gender equality into the Toba-Batak rigid, patrilineal society is, therefore, to be seen in the wider process of the "de-sacralization of adat". Likewise, the changing external land relations may be concerned with the emerging of (new) outside actors in accessing, managing and allocating the local land, a process in which the (colonial)state, individual Bataks and non-Bataks and private companies come into the picture.</p><p>Chapter three demonstrates how contemporary Toba-Batak society is affected by the increasing power of the (post-colonial) state, especially during the New Order period. The Toba-Batak has become one local part of the wider Indonesian state that tries to develop its national economy. A major attempt to pursue the unification and centralisation project of the state is through the expansion of state modern bureaucracy and administration down to village level while neutralizing the <em>adat</em> principles and authorities which are often considered inconsistent with (universal) national ideals of justice (cf., Wignjosoebroto 1994 and 1997). Contrary to the patrilineal and highly patriarchal Toba-Batak <em>adat</em> , the Indonesian Constitution incorporates the principle of gender equality for all citizens. With the strengthening of state power, there are competing rights and rules pertaining to land, deriving from different sets of authority: the state and the <em>adat</em> . This multiplicity of rights and rules governing the land is not situated in a vacuum, but in the context of a dynamic process of land concentration <em>vis-a-vis</em> land scarcity. State intervention in the process of statization and privatization has been driven by contradictory forces between national economic ambition on the one hand, and the urgency for a more sustainable local resource management on the other.</p><p>Chapter four and five result from the field-work in North Sumatra. Chapter four deals with the issue of access rights to land in a relatively normal daily life situation of internal village and lineage relations, based on a village study conducted in Siraja Hutagalung. Because of the pressure of land scarcity, the basic traditional practice of acquiring land through clearing an empty land or forest no longer occurs. This results in the two categories of acquiring access rights to land, namely the "generational and affinal transactions" which are heavily gender-biased and "reciprocal and economic transactions" which are geared towards fulfilling the function of an equitable distribution of basic livelihood, augmenting economic benefits and confirming each other's political position within the kinship and residential unit. Gender-based arrangement in accessing rights to land is the foremost and the only traditional way to keep the land within the restricted boundaries of the patrilineage.</p><p>Chapter five provides an analysis of the ongoing conflicts on communal land that presently mark the relationships between the local people, the state authorities and private enterprise. The chapter demonstrates how the different notions of Toba-Batak's and women's access rights to (communal)land from different levels of normative orders and institutions are challenged, contested, conceded and reconfirmed. The discussion is located in the wider context of the changing political-economy because of the incorporation into the national economy. Three cases presented, namely Dolok Martalitali, Sugapa and Parbuluan, indicate how peasant men and women are affected by, and at the same time react to, the ongoing statization and privatization process of land under the state legal framework.</p><p>In chapter six I return to conclude the various factors of change among the Toba-Batak which affect the "layered structure of property regimes" (Benda-Beckmann, forthcoming). The multifold function attributed to land proves to be the most important factor in explaining the attitude of Toba-Batak peasant women towards the rule of patrilineality in accessing rights to land within inter-lineage and familial relations. The current shift of allocation rights over communal land from the <em>adat</em> community to the state has noticeably marginalised the residing local people and the <em>adat</em> community both in the initial process of land transfer and in the subsequent process of deciding its use and exploitation. The findings of the study support the argument that the state development policy and practice often place more emphasis on the economic function of land while neglecting other functions a communal land might have for the local people. For women, it is the temporal dimension of the socio-economic security aspect of communal land affecting their reproductive task which is at stake in the process of land expropriation.</p><p>I discuss some theoretical implications of the study. Rather than looking at kinship as a clear-cut and self-evident factor of hindering gender-equality or enabling it, the empirical study on Toba-Batak society has suggested that kinship simultaneously functions as both enabling and hindering factor for women's access rights to land under different circumstances. I am of the opinion that there is no such thing as gender solidarity among Toba-Batak women because their identity is shaped more by their kinship affiliation and position of seniority within kinship ranks rather than simply by gender. On the other hand, it is the resistance of peasant women against any outside intervention that makes the Toba-Batak struggle over communal land into a basic struggle over both resources and meanings as well as a struggle that shapes the borderline between the local groups' interests and that of the private investors <em>vis-a-vis</em> the state.</p><p>The study also indicates that legal pluralism is a fact while the claim that state law is the only law is rather mythical. Based on this, the study concludes that gender-equality claim that state legal structures and norms directly cause and determine action for the betterment of women is highly questionable. The introduction of state law into matters related to land tends to detach land rights from wider social relationships, thereby neutralizing the restriction to endow land to women as well as the alienation of land to outsiders. These are seen in principal as opposing their Toba-Batak adat of patrilineality. On the other hand, in the cases relating to the expropriation of communal, the state law and judiciary system are seen as threatening rather than defending the interests of peasant women and the local community against the interests of private investors.</p>
Labour, networks and lifestyles : survival and succession strategies of farm households in the Basque country
Broek, H.P. van den - \ 1998
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): N.E. Long; Jandouwe van der Ploeg. - S.l. : Van den Broek - ISBN 9789054858034 - 184
agrarische bedrijfsvoering - innovaties - sociale klassen - boeren - landbouwbedrijven - bedrijfssystemen - rundvee - plattelandsgemeenschappen - iberisch schiereiland - farm management - innovations - social classes - farmers - farms - farming systems - cattle - rural communities - iberian peninsula

Op 1 januari 1986 werd Spanje lid van de Europese Gemeenschap. De verwachting was dat de toetreding vooral negatieve gevolgen zou hebben voor de melkveehouderij in de noordelijke regio's (stagnerende melkprijzen, toenemende concurrentie vanuit Noord-Europa). In Baskenland was het beleid van het ministerie van landbouw en visserij van de autonome deelregering gedurende de jaren tachtig gericht op een versnelde modernisering van de melkveebedrijven, opdat deze in de concurrentiestrijd met de Noord-Europese zuivelsector niet ten onder zouden gaan. Baskische melkveehouders volgden uiteenlopende strategieën teneinde de reproductie van hun gezinsbedrijven te verzekeren: een kleine meerderheid leverde de produktie uitsluitend aan een zuivelcoöperatie, daarnaast ventte een aanzienlijk percentage boeren dagelijks persoonlijk hun (rauwe) melk uit aan urbane cliënten, enkelen legden zich toe op het verkrijgen van een officieel kwaliteitskeurmerk voor hun ongepasteuriseerde melk, en velen hadden naast hun boerenbedrijf een baan buiten de sector. Het regionale landbouwbeleid was ontegenzeglijk 'biased' ten gunste van de zuivelindustrie en de grotere, moderniserende boerenbedrijven.

In deze studie worden de genoemde strategieën beschouwd als in principe even valide stelsels van boerenpraktijken. Er wordt onderzocht op welke wijzen de verschillende boerenbedrijven hun gezinsarbeid en externe netwerken mobiliseren teneinde vorm te geven aan deze strategieën, in het bijzonder voor zover deze gericht zijn op de overname van het bedrijf. Voor een verklaring van het economische handelen van het boerenhuishouden wordt teruggegrepen op Chayanov's model van de gezinslandbouw. Dit model stelt ondermeer de gezinssamenstelling en de binnen het gezin gemaakte subjectieve afweging van (het marginaal nut van) inkomen en de geleverde arbeid centraal. Individuele gezinsleden zijn niet alleen betrokken bij de gemeenschappelijke bedrijfsstrategie, maar zullen ook hun persoonlijke projecten trachten te verwezenlijken. Ik heb betoogd dat de rationale achter hun persoonlijke projecten evenzeer begrepen kan worden in termen van subjectieve afwegingen van beloning en arbeidsinzet (of moeite; datgene wat bij Chayanov 'labour drudgery' heet). In het onderzoek is er met name aandacht voor de relatie tussen het oudere boerenechtpaar en hun opvolger (eventueel met partner). Binnen deze relatie worden de belangrijkste beslissingen genomen en worden gezinsarbeid, kapitaal en externe netwerken gemobiliseerd. In dit verband heb ik een sociologische reconstructie van de begrippen beloning en moeite geintroduceerd door deze te relateren aan de voor de actoren relevante referentiegroepen.

Het voornaamste referentiekader voor de oudere boeren wordt gevormd door de betekenis van het boerenbedrijf en de agrarische arbeid binnen de rurale samenleving. Hun potentiële opvolgers, daarentegen, spiegelen zich veel meer aan de levensstijl van de meesten van hun urbane leeftijdsgenoten: jonge mannen en vrouwen met een (redelijk) vaste baan, een zeker (en jaarlijks stijgend) inkomen, een zeer acceptabel consumptieniveau en betaalde vakanties. Deze geheel andere perceptie van de eigen situatie onder jonge boeren, van de eigen plaats in de samenleving en daaraan gerelateerd de toekomst van de boerderij, heeft enerzijds gevolgen voor hun opvattingen over hoe een agrarische bedrijf gerund moet worden (welke soms conflicteren met die van hun ouders), maar vooral ook voor de wijze waarop zij tegen de bedrijfsovername aankijken. Deze studie toont aan dat opvolgers, in het spanningsveld tussen de eigen gezinssamenstelling, het persoonlijke referentiekader, netwerken en sociaal-culturele factoren, de te mobiliseren gezinsarbeid op het moment van bedrijfsovername veelal als een sterk beperkende factor zullen ervaren.

Hoe meer een boerenbedrijf geintegreerd is in een institutioneel netwerk (van vermarktingscoöperaties, banken, landbouwvoorlichting, etc.), des te sterker wordt de bedrijfsvoering doorgaans voorgeschreven, genormeerd, vanuit die instituties. De consequentie is dat het gezinsbedrijf wordt opgenomen in wat wel aangeduid wordt als de tredmolen van voortgaande investering en uitbreiding. In de Baskische berglandbouw stuiten moderniserende boeren al snel op de grenzen aan de schaalvergroting en mechanisering; door andere agrariërs in en rond het dorp in hun strategieën te betrekken weten sommigen evenwel grond- en machinegebruik te optimaliseren. Venters van niet-gepasteuriseerde melk, die als gevolg van het ontmoedigingsbeleid van de regionale overheid en van veranderende consumentenvoorkeur hun klantennetwerken uiteen zien vallen, kunnen trachten economisch te overleven door hun melk voortaan aan de zuivelcoöperatie te leveren. Sommige venters en een enkel coöperatielid stappen over op de verkoop van als 'kwaliteitsprodukt' geafficheerde, want door erkende instanties gecontroleerde, rauwe melk. Door deze overstap krijgen zij te maken met alternatieve tredmolens waarbij zij bovendien veelal een achterstand hebben in te lopen op degenen die hier al langer in meedraaien.

Een aantal sociale en culturele factoren zijn van invloed op hoe potentiële opvolgers, in het licht van het voorgaande, tegen de overname van het ouderlijke bedrijf aankijken. Van oudsher gaat de boerderij ongedeeld over in handen van de oudste zoon. In recentere jaren heeft dit mayorazgo -principe plaatsgemaakt voor een tweevoudig verervingspatroon: sommige bedrijven worden voortgezet door de meest geschikte en gemotiveerde zoon of dochter, in andere gevallen is het degene die het laatst trouwt, die op de boerderij blijft wonen. Belangrijk is bovenal dat huwelijken op het Baskische platteland gewoonlijk op vrij late leeftijd plaatsvinden: de consequentie is dat de door de opvolger te mobiliseren gezinsarbeid daalt rond het moment van overname en de eerstvolgende twee decennia laag blijft (doordat de arbeidscapaciteit van de ouders van de opvolger terugloopt, terwijl die van zijn kinderen nog verwaarloosbaar is). Indien een der oudere kinderen het bedrijf voortzet en er derhalve vaak nog jongere broers en zusters inwonend zijn, kan het dreigende tekort aan arbeid wellicht een aantal jaren worden uitgesteld. Wordt de boerderij overgenomen door het laatste kind dat trouwt, dan is de leeftijdskloof tussen ouders en opvolgers vaak alleen maar groter en is voorts de overbrugging van het arbeidstekort niet aan de orde. Mijn veronderstelling is dat het effect van de neergaande arbeidscurve in het bijzonder voelbaar zal zijn op de bedrijven die in de genoemde tredmolen van voortgaande moderniseringen zitten en dan vooral wanneer zij bovendien een achterstand hebben in te lopen. Enerzijds is in de bergachtige gebieden van Gipuzkoa het werk op het land slechts tot op zekere hoogte te mechaniseren; anderzijds is het door de afname van arbeidskrachten binnen het gezin problematisch de institutionele en sociale netwerken in stand te houden die de uitbreiding mogelijk hebben gemaakt.

In tegenstelling tot wat vroeger zeer gebruikelijk was, stellen de huidige opvolgers van landbouwbedrijven het vinden van een geschikte partner doorgaans boven de overname en voortzetting van de boerderij. Door de wederopleving van het dorpsleven in streken die tot voor kort nog bedreigd werden door een massale uittocht van inwoners is het voor hen bovendien minder problematisch een partner te vinden dan in het verleden. De rol van de vrouw als echtgenote van een boer is tezelfdertijd echter danig veranderd. Het komt steeds vaker voor dat partners van bedrijfsopvolgers een eigen baan hebben die zij niet zomaar opgeven om op de boerderij mee te werken. Menigeen heeft zelfs geen rurale achtergrond. De autoriteit van de schoonouders in de huiselijke en de bedrijfssfeer wordt ook minder vanzelfsprekend door hen geaccepteerd. Een opvolger zal voor deze problemen oplossingen moeten vinden die door alle partijen geaccepteerd worden. Het ontbreken van de arbeid van zijn partner versterkt het effect van de neergaande curve van te mobiliseren gezinsarbeid nog eens. Anderzijds kan haar inkomenook een niet te verwaarlozen financiële ondersteuning betekenen voor de reproductie van het bedrijf.

Het grootste gevaar voor de voortzetting van het gezinsbedrijf ligt evenwel in het doorbreken van het patroon van ongedeelde vererving. Nu het hebben van een (tweede) woning op het platteland populairder wordt, eisen broers en zusters van de beoogde bedrijfsopvolger soms ook een evenredig deel van de bij de boerderij behorende grond op om er een eigen huis op te bouwen.

Deze tendensen, bezien tegen de achtergrond van de aspiratie van veel opvolgers naar een meer urbane levensstijl (qua consumptieniveau en vrije tijd), maken de groeiende voorkeur voor part-time farming begrijpelijk; deze voorkeur is in de loop der tijd meer ingegeven door sociale dan door economische motieven. Ik heb gesteld dat de vraag waarom zo weinig opvolgers het ouderlijk bedrijf full-time voortzetten nauwelijk relevant meer is. We zouden ons veeleer moeten afvragen waarom - ondanks alles wat hiervoor gezegd is - nog zovelen bereid zijn full-time melkveehouder te worden, welke economische en sociale strategieën zij daartoe ontwikkelen en hoe het landbouwbeleid hierop kan inspringen. Ik heb gesuggereerd dat de motivatie van de opvolgers, welke ideologisch, organisationeel of sociaal bepaald kan zijn, een voorname factor is bij de keuze voor full-time voortzetting van het bedrijf.

De laatste jaren voert het regionale ministerie van landbouw een gedifferentieerd beleid, mede onder invloed van Europese richtlijnen: enerzijds is dat gericht op actieve steun aan moderniserende, 'concurrerende', boerenbedrijven, anderzijds is er, om sociale en ecologische redenen, ook meer aandacht voor part-time en 'marginalere' bedrijven. Nog immer wordt er echter, zij het op minder expliciete wijze dan voorheen, een tweedeling aangebracht tussen 'economisch rationele' versus 'minder levensvatbare' bedrijven - waardoor er voorbij gegaan wordt aan de mogelijkheid dat jonge, gemotiveerde boeren ook levensvatbare strategieën kunnen ontwikkelen op als part-time of marginaal gedefinieerde bedrijven. Ik pleit voor een categorisering (in de lijn van de Wageningse bedrijfsstijlenstudies) welke deze tweedeling overstijgt. Onderzoek zou vervolgens licht kunnen werpen op de interferentie van het regionale landbouwbeleid met de binnen de Baskische meikveehouderij werkelijk relevante bedrijfsstijlen.

Ins & outs: een multidisciplinaire studie naar input-outputrelaties en hun relatie met de besluitvorming van boeren.
Broekhuizen, R. van; Ploeg, J.D. van der; Dijk, J. ; Baarda, C. ; Haan, T. de; Hennen, W. ; Ven, G.W.J. van de - \ 1998
Unknown Publisher (Onderzoekverslag / Landbouw-Economisch Instituut 160)
melkvee - melkveehouderij - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - agrarische bedrijfsplanning - productiecontroles - mineralen - boekhouding - sociale klassen - boeren - besluitvorming - nederland - dairy cattle - dairy farming - farm management - farm planning - production controls - minerals - accounting - social classes - farmers - decision making - netherlands
Political ecology, mountain agriculture, and knowledge in Honduras
Jansen, K. - \ 1998
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): N.E. Long; D. Gibbon. - Amsterdam : Thela - ISBN 9789055380305 - 277 p.
duurzaamheid (sustainability) - natuurlijke hulpbronnen - hulpbronnengebruik - bescherming - herstel - overheidsbeleid - milieubeleid - milieuwetgeving - luchtverontreiniging - bodemverontreiniging - waterverontreiniging - landbouw - ecologie - biogeografie - hydrobiologie - milieu - mens - milieueffect - sociologie - sociale klassen - boeren - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - agrarische bedrijfsplanning - bedrijfssystemen - gebergten - honduras - menselijke invloed - sustainability - natural resources - resource utilization - protection - rehabilitation - government policy - environmental policy - environmental legislation - air pollution - soil pollution - water pollution - agriculture - ecology - biogeography - hydrobiology - environment - man - environmental impact - sociology - social classes - farmers - farm management - farm planning - farming systems - mountains - human impact
<p>The social and biophysical processes entailed in environmental deterioration are the subject of intense debate in Honduras, one of the poorest countries of Latin America. This book analyses the political ecology of precarious farming in mountainous areas. The author evaluates a rich array of social and agronomic data in order to assess existing theories that purport to explain environmental deterioration and agrarian change in Honduras. It explores the relationships between land tenure patterns, shifting agricultural practices, changing social relations of production, and producers' knowledge. Special attention is given to differential perceptions and responses of producers to environmental deterioration, and to the broader knowledge struggles of different actors about issues such as burning, the fallow crisis, biocide use, and deforestation. This detailed case study draws on political economy, human ecology, critical realism, and social constructionism and constitutes an original contribution to current debates on political ecology.</p><p>The central argument of this book is that land degradation through present agricultural practices is not simply an effect of poverty, inconsiderate acting or a direct consequence of a modernisation process which is orchestrated and imposed upon the Honduran peasantry by external capitalist development. Instead, the social causation of environmental change in mountainous areas of Honduras should be understood in terms of a complex mixture of local patterns of access to resources, forms of state intervention, the heterogeneous paths of technological change and knowledge generation, divisions of labour, and the specific interactions of emerging commodity markets and the organization of production.</p><p>Chapter two focuses on issues of land tenure and property rights. It compares local histories of land distribution in El Zapote with widely used models of the latifundio-minifundio complex and the colonial legacy of the large landholding. Subsequently, it explores how local rules and cultural notions, local government and state laws, and state interventions through land reform and land titling projects, mediate the relation between people and the land. Conclusions deal with the multiple land histories which explain the complexity of conflicts, and with the many factors shaping the meaning villagers attribute to the value of land.</p><p>Chapter three explores technological changes in crop production and cattle husbandry and compares the findings in El Zapote with recent studies dealing with heterogeneity and diversity in agriculture, thus criticizing approaches which maintain a duality of traditional and modern agricultural technology. It stresses the recognition of the multiplicity of factors causing technological change.</p><p>This exploration of technological change serves as a starting point for the discussion of how different environmental problems are perceived by different actors. Chapter four identifies different perspectives on the fallow crisis, the use of fire to clear fields, vegetation and climatic change, and the use of new agro-chemicals. It deals with the paradox that agronomy cannot encompass the many factors involved in environmental deterioration, but that an alternative strategy of validating producers' environmental perceptions cannot provide a coherent theory of the causes of environmental deterioration as well.</p><p>In Chapters two, three, and four, it will be shown that environmental behaviour and perceptions about environmental change relate to access to, and distribution of, resources. Chapter five gives further consideration to the different aspects of the social relations of production in El Zapote, in order to understand the processes of social differentiation.</p><p>Chapter six broadens the issue of social differentiation with a discussion of local agricultural knowledge. The argument is put forward that we need an understanding of both the practical character of knowledge, (that local knowledge generation responds to environment and social context), and its discursive character. Knowledge is not only embedded in narratives on the epistemological level, but also in concrete natural environments and social relations. An important conclusion is that current `local knowledge approaches' overestimate the potential of local knowledge for environmental conservation or restoration.</p><p>The concluding chapter starts by commenting on various explanations of environmental deterioration in Honduran mountain agriculture. Using the case study of El Zapote it presents an alternative explanation with the main argument that a linear relation between the distribution of the means of production and labour relations on the one hand, and use of the environment on the other, cannot be justified, but that, nevertheless, an inquiry into changing patterns of social differentiation may provide insight into important mechanisms of human interaction with nature. The final section challenges theoretical (epistemological and ontological) confusions about social and biophysical causation of environmental deterioration in environmental social science.</p><p>The book is published by:<br/>Thela Publishers Amsterdam<br/>16.5 x 24 cm<br/>288 pages<br/>ISBN 90-5538-030-X<br/>£13.95/US$26.50/ƒ39.50</p><p>Please send your order by mail or telefax to:<br/>Thela Publishers, Prinseneiland 305, 1013 LP Amsterdam, the Netherlands<br/>Faxnumber: +31.20.6203395; E-mail: office@thelathesis.nl<br/>Payment by credit card (without extra costs) or proforma invoice (with bankcharges); postage and packing will be charged additionally. You can also order at your local bookstore.</p><p>Customers in the U.S.A. and Canada can order from:<br/>Eiron, Inc, P.O. Box 400712 Washington D.C. 20016<br/>Tel (202) 966 3240; Fax (202) 244 0913; E-mail eironinc@aol.com</p><p>UK and Ireland orders to:<br/>Central Books, 99 Wallis Road, London E9 5LN<br/>Tel (0181) 986 4854, Fax (0181) 533 5821; E-mail: orders@centbks.demon.co.uk</p>
Tussen status quo en vernieuwing; draagvlak voor natuur, landschap en milieu bij agrariërs in Noordoost-Twente
Heusinkveld, H. ; Volker, C.M. - \ 1997
Wageningen : DLO-Staring Centrum - 128
landbouw bedrijven - natuurbescherming - landbouw - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - innovaties - sociale klassen - boeren - nederland - overijssel - agrarisch natuurbeheer - twente - farming - nature conservation - agriculture - farm management - innovations - social classes - farmers - netherlands - agri-environment schemes
Draagvlak en doeltreffendheid van het natuurbeleid; syntheserapport
Veeneklaas, F.R. ; Eeden, N. van den; Hekhuis, H.J. ; Luttik, J. ; Molenaar, J.G. de; Volker, C.M. ; Zweegman, G.J. - \ 1997
Wageningen : DLO-Staring Centrum - 44
plattelandsplanning - plattelandsontwikkeling - landgebruik - bedrijfsvoering - natuurreservaten - herstel - natuurbescherming - beleid - sociale klassen - boeren - nederland - natuur - natuurtechniek - rural planning - rural development - land use - management - nature reserves - rehabilitation - nature conservation - policy - social classes - farmers - netherlands - nature - ecological engineering
De publieke opinie over natuur en natuurbeleid
Volker, C.M. ; Buijs, A.E. - \ 1997
Nederlands Bosbouwtijdschrift 69 (1997)6. - ISSN 0028-2057 - p. 240 - 246.
natuurreservaten - herstel - natuurbescherming - beleid - bedrijfsvoering - sociale klassen - boeren - nederland - natuur - natuurtechniek - nature reserves - rehabilitation - nature conservation - policy - management - social classes - farmers - netherlands - nature - ecological engineering
Draagvlak voor natuur en landschap in de samenleving; verslag van een themamiddag gehouden in DLO-Staring Centrum, Wageningen, op 11 december 1996
Volker, C.M. - \ 1997
Wageningen : DLO-Staring Centrum - 58
natuurreservaten - herstel - participatie - vrijwilligers - sociale klassen - boeren - samenleving - attitudes - landschap - landschapsbouw - ruimtelijke ordening - natuur - natuurtechniek - onbetaald werk - nature reserves - rehabilitation - participation - volunteers - social classes - farmers - society - landscape - landscaping - physical planning - nature - ecological engineering - unpaid work
In het beheer van natuur en landschap groeien nieuwe verhoudingen tussen openbaar bestuur en praktijken van burgers. De overheid wil bevorderen dat groepen uit de samenleving meer taken en verantwoordelijkheden op zich nemen. Tijdens een studiemiddag is belicht wat het draagvlak is voor behoud, beheer en ontwikkeling van natuur en landschap. In dit verslag zijn presentaties opgenomen van resultaten uit drie lopende projecten en twee voordrachten over toekomstig sociaal-wetenschappelijk draagvlakonderzoek.
Draagvlak voor natuur en natuurbeleid
Buijs, A.E. - \ 1997
Landinrichting 37 (1997)7. - ISSN 0922-6419 - p. 29 - 33.
plattelandsplanning - plattelandsontwikkeling - landgebruik - bedrijfsvoering - natuurreservaten - herstel - natuurbescherming - beleid - sociale klassen - boeren - nederland - natuur - natuurtechniek - rural planning - rural development - land use - management - nature reserves - rehabilitation - nature conservation - policy - social classes - farmers - netherlands - nature - ecological engineering
Van wie is het bos? Participatie van de maatschappij in het bosbeheer.
Jansen, J.J. - \ 1997
Nederlands Bosbouwtijdschrift 69 (1997)6. - ISSN 0028-2057 - p. 279 - 280.
bosbouw - bossen - milieubescherming - conservering - landschap - taxatie - ideologie - sociale klassen - boeren - nederland - forestry - forests - environmental protection - conservation - landscape - valuation - ideology - social classes - farmers - netherlands
Political economy models and agricultural policy formation : empirical applicability and relevance for the CAP
Zee, F.A. van der - \ 1997
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): J. de Hoogh; A.J. Oskam. - S.l. : Van der Zee - ISBN 9789054856870 - 277 p.
landbouwbeleid - groene revolutie - economie - landbouw - sociale klassen - boeren - economisch beleid - participatie - operationeel onderzoek - landen van de europese unie - begrippen - politieke economie - agricultural policy - green revolution - economics - agriculture - social classes - farmers - economic policy - participation - operations research - european union countries - concepts - political economy
<p>This study explores the relevance and applicability of political economy models for the explanation of agricultural policies. Part I (chapters 4-7) takes a general perspective and evaluates the empirical applicability of voting models and interest group models to agricultural policy formation in industrialised market economics. Part II (chapters 8-11) focuses on the empirical applicability of political economy models to agricultural policy formation and agricultural policy developments in the European Union. Part I is preceded by an overview of arguments and motives for government intervention in the agricultural economy in 'conventional' mainstream (agricultural) economics (chapter 2). A further delineation of research aims based on a state-of-the-art survey of the political economy of agricultural policies is given in chapter 3.<p>Why a political economy approach?<p>The economics literature is dominated by two - partly complementary - views on government intervention in agriculture (chapter 2). On the one hand, there is the farm problem view which focuses on the singularities of the agricultural sector and the specific characteristics of agricultural markets in particular. According to this view, the government should alleviate, and, if possible, solve market and income problems associated with this 'farm problem'. On the other hand, there is the market failure view. Market failure arguments not only refer to public goods such as food security, (guarantee of) food quality, agricultural R&D Or 'state insurance' against production failures and natural disasters, but also to external effects of agricultural production, such as erosion and pollution of air, soil and water.<p>Both the farm problem and the market failure view implicitly regard the government as an omniscient benevolent dictator who has the capacity to take corrective action in an adequate and timely manner wherever necessary, with the overall objective of maximising social welfare. Both views, however, neglect the fact that government consists of multiple agents with partly parallel, partly conflicting motives, which often do not coincide with 'the public interest'. Furthermore, they ignore that these agents - which make up the policy supply side - are subject to lobbying and voting influences.<p>Conventional econom(etr)ic models treat government behaviour in an ad hoc and usually exogenous fashion. This practice contrasts sharply with the meticulous attention for the micro-foundations of consumer and producer behaviour. In the (new) political economy or 'public choice' approach, however, government behaviour is the explicit object of analysis. The political economy approach regards policy as the endogenous outcome of a political supply and demand process in which farmers, industrial interests, consumers and other politico-economic actors exert policy demands, for instance by lobbying or going to the ballot box, and in which politicians and bureaucrats supply policies in exchange for political and budgetary support. The political economy perspective takes, like 'mainstream' neo- classical economics theory, methodological individualism as its point of departure. It builds on three crucial assumptions: actors behave rationally and are driven by self-interest, have stable preferences, and their interaction tends towards equilibrium states. The political economy approach provides the methodology for explaining why agricultural policies in industrialised market economies have almost universally taken the form of farm(ers') support and why policy instruments usually have an indirect and intransparent nature which is contrary to what one would expect on the basis of conventional welfare economics theory. Agricultural policies often are frequently inefficient, tend to under- or overshoot predefined targets, and diverge both with respect to the choice and the setting of policy instruments from the implicit recommendations of 'mainstream' neo-classical economics theory.<p>Empirical applicability of political economy models<p>The political economy approach supplies us with the theoretical ammunition for explaining agricultural policy. First generation 'public choice' theories have provided us with plausible arguments for why agricultural policies have taken the form and content they have, but have largely ignored the issue of empirical testing. The first generation analyses build on the pathbreaking studies of the founding fathers of public choice, such as Olson, Downs, Buchanan and Niskanen, and 'explain' agricultural policy either on the basis of qualitative arguments derived from 'theoretical' public choice, or by means of statistical regression analysis. In the latter case, the relationship between politico-economic theory and the choice of the empirical model is usually a loose one, featuring ad hoc-specified models without proper politico-economic micro-foundations. The second generation public choice models are - more than their predecessors - characterised by a strong theoretical- deductive and mathematical basis. Furthermore, these models more explicitly try to establish a link between the politico-economic activities of (groups of) actors and the final policy outcome. The label empirical applicability may refer to the ability to empirically estimate politico-economic relationships, with policy as the endogenous variable. Empirical applicability can also refer to empirical testing of hypotheses derived from a consistent political economy model. It does not apply, however, to the ad hoc manner in which some model studies refer to 'real world' examples to support the outcomes of theoretical-deductive models. Part I evaluates the assumptions, methodology and limitations of existing political economy models from the perspective of empirical applicability.<p>Voting models<p>The class of voting models - which take the interaction between politicians and voters as their focus - includes spatial voting models, proportional voting models and political business cycle models (chapter 4). At first glance proportional voting models appear to offer the greatest explanatory power. The central thesis of these models is that politicians strive for political support and exploit the differences in welfare impact of income redistributional programmes supplied to specific voter groups. In most industrialised market economies the agricultural population consists of a small and declining minority of the total population which does not yield sufficient votes to win the elections. By using the more inclusive notion 'political support' the proportional voting approach tries to circumvent this problem. An important drawback is that it does not explicitly incorporate the activities that make up this political support. Moreover, empirical operationalisation of the political support concept appears difficult. Finally, by its focus on a single policy domain the effect of other policy issues and their impact on the behaviour of political-support-maximising politicians remains unexplained. The spatial voting model - also known as the median voter model - can be regarded as second-best alternative. Yet the median voter model is too restrictive for a useful empirical application on agricultural policy formation. This is not only due the fact that agricultural policy cannot be ranked on a unidimensional left-right scale, but also because more 'realistic' theoretical extensions of the standard model, such as the inclusion of multiple issues or extension of the number of parties or candidates to three or more, incessibly lead to instable equilibria or do not yield any equilibrium at all. In a more- than-two party system strategic behaviour will tend to dominate, which causes that the central assumption of sincere voting behaviour - which holds that only policy preferences determine voters' choices - cannot be upheld. Furthermore, theoretical arguments suggest that the spatial voting model is not suitable for explaining redistributional issues. It forms another major objection against the use of the spatial voting model, since a substantive part of agricultural policies is explicitly aimed at redistribution. Political business cycle models may be illuminating in explaining macroeconomic developments and more specifically the political trade-off between inflation and employment. They do not, however, yield a workable alternative for the explanation of sector policies.<p>A fundamental problem that jeopardizes the empirical application of voting models concerns the operationalisation of the voter group concept. Potential pitfalls involved in the use of analytical distinctions, for instance between the urban and rural population, can be illustrated with the notion of the 'farm vote' (chapter 5). In both the interpretativedescriptive political science and the public choice literature, the farm vote is used to indicate the political strength of farmers. Some equate the concept with the labour force engaged in primary - first-stage - agriculture or the 'agricultural population'. Others use an even broader farm vote capturing the rural population or even those people who "appreciate the values and attributes of farm life and sympathize with the agricultural profession", including pensioners with a professional agricultural background, people borne on farms, and people with a (vague) idealistic notion of agriculture and farm life (see, e.g., Moyer and Josling, 1990). However, it is doubtful whether the preferences of these voters for agriculture/ agricultural policy are decisive in their electoral behaviour. Furthermore, the implicit assumption that the farm vote is homogeneous can be judged as weak. Large differences in initial income and wealth positions between farmers, which include differences in production factor ownership such as land, buildings, livestock and machinery, imply that policy preferences may differ strongly between farmers. The systematic evidence for a relative strong party attachment of farmers as an occupational group and their preference for right-wing parties frequently found in public opinion surveys, does not help us in establishing a clear empirical notion of the farm vote, since in these studies the underlying reason for these party preferences usually remains unexplained.<p>Interest group models<p>The 'demasque' of the farm vote concept underlines the importance of organisation in attempts to influence government and policy formation. One of the results of the political economy of (the organisation of) collective action is that large groups do not easily engage in collective action. Individualised selective incentives can help to overcome existing dominant free-rider behaviour and can encourage individuals to act in a group-oriented way, as Olson (1965) already pointed out. In smaller, so-called privileged, groups organisation is usually not a necessary condition to forestall the provision of public goods (chapter 6). Olson did not explicitly address the question how the public (group) good was to be secured, and which role could be assigned to the government in this respect. Studies in the rent-seeking and DUP, but also the Chicago political economy tradition have more explicitly focused on the attempts of interest groups to manipulate government, with 'government capture' as reflected by the creation of (quasi)monopoly positions and/or indirect income transfers as a result. With respect to the form of policy instruments Chicago political economists assume that political competition ensures that the most efficient form of redistribution is chosen ('what is, is efficient'). Virginian political economists, on the other hand, perceive policy instrument choices as being determined by information characteristics, with politicians having a preference for indirect, inefficient instruments to secure voter groups.<p>The way in which groups attempt to establish political influence can serve as a basis for classifying interest group models (chapter 7). This transmission mechanism is most explicit in models in which the transmission of information, respectively political campaign contributions play a central role. In both types of models a clear traceable relationship can be distinguished between the political activities of groups and the policy decision and/or policy outcome, assuming that other influences are absent. Although these models are preferable from a theoretical perspective to the two other alternative model classes - which take an influence function, respectively a composite utility function as their pivot-, the reverse applies if we look at the issue of empirical applicability. Interest group models which centre on campaign contributions obviously are relevant only for those countries in which politicians/political parties can actually be supported by interest groups. For useful empirical applications of such models adequate registration of interest groups and their political expenses is a prerequisite. For most European countries as well as the European Union such data are not available. Models which take the transmission of information as their focus are also difficult to apply empirically. Many, if not all, policy influence can be traced back to the transmission of information. However, the registration of these informational flows and the ex post determination whether this information could have played a crucial role in 'real-world' policy decisions/outcomes has to be judged infeasible. Models that take an influence function, respectively a composite utility function as their point of departure offer better opportunities for incorporating empirics. There clearly is, however, a trade-off between the more explicit inclusion of political activities and the impact on the eventual policy outcome. Influence function models provide clearer microfoundations for the competition-for-influence process among interest groups and incorporate the resource costs needed for influence activities. Yet, the question which influence activities are involved and how these are related is not addressed. Models with a composite utility function focus on the determination of politico-economic (power) weights implicitly assigned to socio-economic groups such as consumers, producers and taxpayers (in the political preference function [PPF] approach) or social classes (in the interest function approach) and measured by means of revealed preference methodology. The PPF approach is by far the most popular approach in agricultural economics. Its application to the political feasibility of (discrete) changes in the policy instrument mix is, however, contestable (see chapter 7). Where the <em>development</em> of agricultural policies is concerned the combined PPF - influence function approach in the tradition of Gardner (1987) is most apt from an empirical point of view. Yet, most of these models focus on price developments or the degree of nominal (effective) protection policy issues in specific agricultural markets, and leave the overall explanation of agricultural policies and, most importantly, the issue of instrument choice over time untouched.<p>Political economy models and the explanation of EU agricultural policy<p>Part II focuses on the empirical applicability of political economy models to agricultural policies within the European Union. This applicability depends, apart from the intrinsic characteristics of these models as described and analysed in part I on the politicalinstitutional context and the decision- making structure of the European Union. Understanding the relevant decision-making characteristics would enable a well-founded choice among the available political economy models. The sui <em>generis</em> characteristics of supranational decision-making and its institutions are described in chapters 9 and 10. An overview of stylised facts and figures of 'real-world' agricultural policy developments is given in chapter 8. An evaluation of the applicability of political economy models on agricultural policy formation of the European Union is provided in chapter 11.<p>The descriptive analysis of the empirics of agricultural policy developments in the European Union since the late 1950s predominantly focuses on the changes in policy instrument choice. The period between the beginning of the 1970s until the mid-1980s shows a tendency toward renationalisation of the Common Agricultural Policy. Not explicitly stated as a goal, renationalisation manifested itself through the use of Monetary Compensatory Amounts and non-tariff barriers. Moreover, since the CAP's inception member states have kept some national policy competence in the field of agriculture. These 'national' agricultural policies are to a large extent complementary to Community policy, and predominantly aim at the provision of (quasi)public goods such as agricultural infrastructure, education, research and extension. Since 1962 the CAP has been subject to pressures for change, from within - often initiated by the European Commission - as well as from outside, for example as the result of international trade negotiations. The high degree of border protection, the relatively high common price level and the increases in agricultural production have led to increasing surplus problems, a high budget burden and a distortion of trade relations with third countries. It is from this perspective that Most CAP adjustments have to be judged: the introduction of co-responsibility levies, guarantee thresholds, quotas, budget stabilisers, set-aside and extensification measures, as well as the later MaeSharry reform.<p>The identification of politico-economic actors, their behaviour (as optimizing actors under constraints) and the way in which they interact are fundamental requirements for an endogenous policy model. Chapter 9 addresses the formal decision-making procedures as laid down in the Treaties of Rome and Maastricht and highlights the role of the Commission, the Council and the European Parliament. The annual price review is taken as an example. Although the MacSharry reform has changed the nature of the annual price review, with a relative shift in attention for institutional prices, direct intervention and export refunds toward direct income transfers, it can still be regarded as the most important yearly recurring 'package deal' process within the CAP.<p>What strikes the eye is the marginal influence of the European Parliament in EC agricultural decision-making and the lack of parliamentary scrutiny and review of ECdecisions at the national level. The 'democratic deficit' at the EU-level combined with the relatively modest size of the EU's administrative apparatus provide ample opportunities for policy influence by interest groups (chapter 10). For the Commission the importance of interest groups lies first and foremost in the possibility of the ex ante sounding out of (the acceptability of) new policies and in transmitting the information needed in the design of complex regulatory policies. Since the start of the CAP "Brussels" has stimulated the formation of many Euro-groups with an EC-wide member base. Apart from informal, ad hoc contacts with Community bodies, a large number of these Euro-groups also has a formal role in Ec agricultural decision-making as part of the advisory committee structures set up by the Commission. Interest groups organised at the national level try to influence EC-agricultural policy-making as well. Contrary to Euro-groups, however, these 'national' groups mostly concentrate their lobbying efforts on member state governments and ministries.<p>Political economy models and the explanation of EU agricultural policies<p>The extent to which political economy models can be empirically applied to and offer an explanation for the formation and developments in agricultural policies in the European Union is the central theme of chapter 11. One important conclusion is that the CAP should not be analysed in isolation, but in connection with the 'national' agricultural policies of the individual member states. Ignoring this strategically important national policy dimension in policy analyses could result in biased and flawed interpretations of (the causes of) policy developments. Integrating both policy levels, which can yield meaningful results on the interaction between Community and member state policies and which can establish a traceable relationship between policy outcomes on the one hand, and the motives, ends and politico-economic activities of the actors involved in EU agricultural policy formation on the other, seems too high an aim. A flexible, all-inclusive and testable model which can explain agricultural policy developments at both levels empirically is not available and could not be developed in the context of this research project.<p>If we restrict the focus to the applicability of political economy models to the CAP, and take the relatively large (potential) influence of interest groups and the limited influence powers of the European Parliament on EC agricultural decision-making into account, interest group models appear the most obvious choice of the models analysed in part 1.<p>However, in establishing an explicit and traceable relationship between the politicoeconomic activities of policy agents and the eventual policy result, as well as in the explanation of changes in the policy instrument set, even the better empirically applicable models still fell short. This does not detract from the value of political economy models as such. However, their strength has more to sought in signalling and in their ability to trace down <em>possible</em> determinants behind policy changes rather than in 'hard' empirical testing and unequivocal explanation of policy developments.
Pluriactiviteit, vrouwen en vernieuwing.
Bock, B.B. - \ 1997
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 143) - ISBN 9789067545044 - 85
sociale ontwikkeling - plattelandsontwikkeling - technologie - sociaal welzijn - sociale klassen - boeren - rurale sociologie - vrouwen - social development - rural development - technology - social welfare - social classes - farmers - rural sociology - women
Issues and Dilemmas in Building Development Efforts on Local Organizations.
Hilhorst, D. - \ 1997
Community Development Journal 32 (1997)1. - ISSN 0010-3802 - p. 17 - 29.
samenwerking - ontwikkelingshulp - ontwikkelingsplanning - boeren - nederland - planning - sociale klassen - sociale ontwikkeling - vrouwen - cooperation - development aid - development planning - farmers - netherlands - social classes - social development - women
Local organization building is part of many development interventions, especially in those programs directed at disempowered groups, such as women. Since the mid-1980s, it has been argued that the formation of women's organizations should follow local, indigenous organizing practices. It should moreover be built on existing, informal organizational institutions, such as social networks and neighbourhood groups. The study presented here looks into a case where official organizations aim to organize agrarian women who had already formed their own rather informal groups. The conflictual dynamics that unfold suggest several issues of knowledge, power and control in relating to local organizations.
Unruly clients in the Atlantic zone of Costa Rica : a study of how bureaucrats try and fail to transform gatekeepers, communists and preachers into ideal beneficiaries
Vries, P. de - \ 1997
Amsterdam : CEDLA (Latin America studies 78) - ISBN 9789070280666 - 250
sociale klassen - boeren - costa rica - bureaucratie - social classes - farmers - bureaucracy
Agrarische vrouwen vernieuwen het platteland : rapport bij: kaas in de badkuip
Hendriksen, A. ; Klaver, L. - \ 1996
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 120) - ISBN 9789067544306 - 20
boeren - nederland - plattelandsgemeenschappen - sociale klassen - sociologie - vrouwen - multifunctionele landbouw - farmers - netherlands - rural communities - social classes - sociology - women - multifunctional agriculture
Voedingsgewoonten van overvloed en onbehagen.
Hartog, A.P. den - \ 1996
Voeding 57 (1996)11. - ISSN 0042-7926 - p. 6 - 9.
consumentengedrag - consumptiepatronen - bakvetten - bakoliën - vetten - voedsel - voedselhygiëne - voedselinkoop - voedingsmiddelen - geschiedenis - voedingstoestand - oliën - prijzen - inkopen - sociale klassen - zoetstoffen - spijsvetten - spijsoliën - consumer behaviour - consumption patterns - cooking fats - cooking oils - fats - food - food hygiene - food purchasing - foods - history - nutritional state - oils - prices - purchasing - social classes - sweeteners - edible fats - edible oils
Vijf artikelen waarin de volgende aspecten zijn belicht: -) vijftig jaar eten in Nederland; -) sociale klasseverschillen in (op)voeding; -) voedingsaankopen in het gezin; -) invloed sociale omgeving; -) effectiviteit van vet- en suikervervangers
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