Staff Publications

Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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Naar een Heideboerderij en een nieuwe marke voor de Sallandse Heuvelrug
Schrijver, Raymond ; Vijn, Marcel - \ 2018
Wageningen : Wageningen University & Research, Wetenschapswinkel (Wageningen University & Research Wetenschapswinkel rapport 345) - ISBN 9789463434683 - 57
Stichting Heideboerderij Nederland werkt aan de ontwikkeling van het concept van de Heideboerderij. Op een vijftiental locaties in Nederland wordt samen met boeren, schaapherders, natuurorganisaties, burgers, ondernemers en lokale en provinciale overheden gewerkt aan de realisatie van Heideboerderijen. De stichting Heideboerderij Nederland (SHN) heeft de Wetenschapswinkel gevraagd om Wageningen University & Research een verkenning te laten doen naar de mogelijkheden voor realisatie van het door hen ontwikkelde concept van de Heideboerderij op diverse plaatsen in Nederland. In het concept van de Heideboerderij wordt de samenwerking vormgegeven tussen natuurbeheerders, schaapherders, boeren, streekgebonden bedrijven en bewoners als onderdeel van een common en met wortels in een eeuwenoud heidelandbouwsysteem. Het woord ‘commons’ is de gebruikelijke Engelse term voor het gemeenschappelijk bezit van natuurlijke hulpbronnen. Verwante Nederlandse benamingen zijn onder andere Meent, Gemeynt, Boermarke en Marke. De term Marke werd (en wordt) gebruikt in Salland. Op de Sallandse Heuvelrug ging het om bossen en heidevelden (outfields) vanwaar nutriënten werden verzameld in een potstal voor gebruik op de akkers (infields). In de huidige tijd komen daar talrijke nieuwe ‘commons’ bij zoals het korhoen (biodiversiteit) en bijna verloren gegane ambachten (cultuurhistorie). Het antwoord op de gestelde vragen aan de Wetenschapswinkel wordt gegeven door een fictieve samenwerkingsovereenkomst voor de Marke op te stellen met voorwaarden waaraan de business modellen van de diverse samenwerkingspartners moeten voldoen. De acht principes van Elinor Ostrom voor het ontwerp van een ‘common’ zijn daarbij als leidraad genomen. Het concept van de Heideboerderij kan verbetering brengen wat betreft de natuur op en vooral rond de Sallandse Heuvelrug mits aan een aantal randvoorwaarden wordt voldaan. Randvoorwaarden waaraan met prioriteit moet worden gewerkt zijn een samenwerking tussen actoren in het gebied gericht op een gemeenschappelijke business case die aanvullend is op individuele verdienmodellen van ondernemers en de instelling van een Markefonds. Dit Markefonds is noodzakelijk voor het overbruggen van het gat in verdiencapaciteit tussen bedrijven die zich primair richten op productie voor de wereldmarkt en bedrijven met een nadruk op maatschappelijke waarden en ook voor het borgen van een langetermijnzekerheid daarbij---Stichting Heideboerderij Nederland (SHN, The Dutch Heath Farm Foundation) works on the development of the heath farm concept in The Netherlands. At fifteen locations farmers, shepherds, nature organisations, citizens, entrepreneurs and the local and provincial governments work together on the realisation of heath farms. The SHN asked the Wetenschapswinkel (Science Shop) at Wageningen University & Research to explore the possibility of realising the Heath Farm concept at various locations in The Netherlands. The concept of the SHN gives form to the collaboration between nature conservationists, shepherds, farmers, regional businesses and residents, who together make use of the common, this has an historical context. The word “commons” is the English term for the common ownership of natural resources. Related Dutch names are Meent, Gemeynt, Boermarke en Marke. The term Marke is used in Salland. On the Sallandse Heuvelrug it describes the forest and heather fields. These fields were farmers outfields, which were used for grazing animals, who later brought nutrients (manure) back to the stable and this was used to enrich the crop fields. In the present time we find many new ‘commons’, where we find new uses, such as for the conservation of black grouse (and other biodiversity) and almost forgotten crafts (cultural history). The answer to the questions the Science shop received was to draw up a fictitious cooperation agreement for the Marke (commons) with conditions that the various partners must meet. The eight principles of Elinor Ostrom, for the design of a common, were taken as a guideline. The concept of the Heathfarm can provide improvements to nature, both on and around the Sallandse Heuvelrug, provided that certain preconditions are met. The precondition with the highest priority is that the different actors cooperate and develop a common business case, that is complementary to the individual business models of the entrepreneurs. Additionally, they have to establish a Markefund (common fund). This is necessary to bridge the gap between the earning capacity of companies focused primarily on production for the world market and companies which focus on social values and long term sustainability
Onwards and upwards: American productivity growth during the Great Depression
Bakker, Gerben ; Crafts, N.F.R. ; Woltjer, P.J. - \ 2016
London : Centre for Economic Policy Research
The Great Depression is considered one of the darkest times for the US economy, but some argue that the US economy experienced strong productivity growth over the period. This column reassesses this performance using improved measures of total factor productivity that allow for comparisons of productivity growth in the Depression era and in later decades. Contrary to Alvin Hansen’s gloomy prognosis of secular stagnation, the US economy was in a very strong position during the 1930s by today’s standards.
A Vision of the Growth Process in a Technologically Progressive Economy: the United States, 1899-1941
Woltjer, P.J. ; Bakker, Gerben ; Crafts, N.F.R. - \ 2015
London : London School of Economics and Political Science - 67 p.
Harberger diagram; mushrooms; productivity growth; total factor productivity; yeast
We develop new aggregate and sectoral Total Factor Productivity (TFP) estimates for the United States between 1899 and 1941 through better coverage of sectors and better measured labor quality, and show TFP-growth was lower than previously thought, broadly based across sectors, strongly variant intertemporally, and consistent with many diverse sources of innovation. We then test and reject three prominent claims. First, the 1930s did not have the highest TFP-growth of the twentieth century. Second, TFP-growth was not predominantly caused by four leading sectors. Third, TFP-growth was not caused by a ‘yeast process’ originating in a dominant technology such as electricity.
A Vision of the Growth Process in a Technologically Progressive Economy: the United States, 1899-1941
Bakker, Gerben ; Crafts, N.F.R. ; Woltjer, P.J. - \ 2015
Coventry : Warwick University (Warwick Economics Research Paper Series 1099) - 73 p.
Harbergerdiagram;mushrooms;productivitygrow th;totalfactorproductivity;yeast
A Vision of the Growth Process in a Technologically Progressive Economy: the United States, 1899-1941
Bakker, Gerben ; Crafts, N.F.R. ; Woltjer, P.J. - \ 2015
Coventry : Warwick University (CAGE Online Working Paper Series 257) - 73 p.
Harbergerdiagram;mushrooms;productivitygrow th;totalfactorproductivity;yeast
A Vision of the Growth Process in a Technologically Progressive Economy: the United States, 1899-1941
Bakker, Gerben ; Crafts, N.F.R. ; Woltjer, P.J. - \ 2015
London : London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE Economic History Working Papers 226) - 73 p.
Harberger diagram; mushrooms; productivity growth; total factor productivity; yeast
We develop new aggregate and sectoral Total Factor Productivity (TFP) estimates for the United States between 1899 and 1941 through better coverage of sectors and better measured labor quality, and show TFP-growth was lower than previously thought, broadly based across sectors, strongly variant
intertemporally, and consistent with many diverse sources of innovation. We then test and reject three prominent claims. First, the 1930s did not have the highest TFP-growth of the twentieth century. Second, TFP-growth was not predominantly caused by four leading sectors. Third, TFP-growth was not caused by
a ‘yeast process’ originating in a dominant technology such as electricity.
A Vision of the Growth Process in a Technologically Progressive Economy: the United States, 1899-1941
Bakker, Gerben ; Crafts, N.F.R. ; Woltjer, P.J. - \ 2015
Groningen : University of Groningen (GGDC Research Memorandum 156) - 70 p.
Harberger diagram; mushrooms; productivity growth; total factor productivity; yeast
We develop new aggregate and sectoral Total Factor Productivity (TFP) estimates for the United States between 1899 and 1941 through better coverage of sectors and better measured labor quality, and show TFP-growth was lower than previously thought, broadly based across sectors, strongly variant
intertemporally, and consistent with many diverse sources of innovation. We then test and reject three prominent claims. First, the 1930s did not have the highest TFP-growth of the twentieth century. Second, TFP-growth was not predominantly caused by four leading sectors. Third, TFP-growth was not caused by a ‘yeast process’ originating in a dominant technology such as electricity.
The Dutch rush: history and myth of the Equisetum trade
Winter, W.P. de - \ 2015
The Fern Gazette 20 (2015)1. - ISSN 0308-0838 - p. 23 - 45.
In England in the early 19th century at least two products went by the commercial name Dutch Rush, viz. the Rough Horsetail Equisetum hyemale L. used in cabinet making and similar crafts, and the Common Club-rush/Bulrush Schoenoplectus lacustris (L.) Palla used in matting and chair manufacturing. Some authors did not heed the scientific names and confused the properties and geo-cultural backgrounds of both products. Thus the myth took hold that E. hyemale was in culture in the Netherlands and that is was deliberately planted and cared for to protect that country from the sea. Scarce but widespread evidence of trade reveals that this species was economically insignificant. The idea that it owes its common name to imports from Holland could be correct; however, other parts of North and Central Europe, especially the upper Rhine Valley, are more likely to be the original sources from where the Dutch obtained the plants. North America can be reasoned to be an alternative origin, but evidence for this hypothesis is still lacking.
Tourist preferences for ecotourism in rural communities adjacent to Kruger National Park: A choice experiment approach
Chaminuka, P. ; Groeneveld, R.A. ; Selomane, A.O. ; Ierland, E.C. van - \ 2012
Tourism Management 33 (2012)1. - ISSN 0261-5177 - p. 168 - 176.
conservation - africa - models - areas
This paper analyses the potential for development of ecotourism in rural communities adjacent to Kruger National Park (KNP) in South Africa. We determine preferences of tourists, according to origin and income levels, for ecotourism and their marginal willingness to pay (MWTP) for three ecotourism attributes: village accommodation, village tours and visits to crafts markets. Data were collected from 319 tourists through choice experiments, and analyzed using a conditional probit model. Findings indicate reluctance on the part of all tourists to use accommodation facilities outside KNP, but interest to purchase village tours and visit village-based craft markets. MWTP was negative for accommodation for all income groups, but positive for village tours and crafts markets. Among international and high income groups of tourists, tourists were willing to pay much higher fees than proposed by communities. These findings suggest the potential for development of some limited ecotourism services in villages adjacent to KNP.
Evaluating land use options at the wildlife/livestock interface: an integrated spatial land use analysis
Chaminuka, P. - \ 2012
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Ekko van Ierland; Akke van der Zijpp; C.M.E. Mccrindle, co-promotor(en): Rolf Groeneveld. - S.l. : s.n. - ISBN 9789461731333 - 258
wild - vee - rundvee - landgebruik - plattelandsgemeenschappen - ecotoerisme - middelen van bestaan - wildlife - livestock - cattle - land use - rural communities - ecotourism - livelihoods
In Africa, rural development and biodiversity conservation, are both important, but sometimes potentially conflicting priorities. Most rural areas adjacent to wildlife protected areas in Southern Africa have high biodiversity potential, but are characterised by high poverty, unemployment, and limited economic activity. The problems in these rural areas are further compounded by problems of crop destruction, and livestock depredation by wildlife. Transfrontier conservation areas (TFCAs), recently introduced in Southern Africa, have potential to address both biodiversity and poverty alleviation through promotion of multiple land uses such as wildlife ranching, tourism, livestock and crop production. It is however, not clear how these land uses can be combined, and what the associated socio-economic costs and benefits of alternative land use options in these areas are. This study proposed a spatial land use model for evaluating alternative land uses and development pathways in these rural areas. The model maximised net revenues from the land, assuming the presence of a social planner. The model proposed, considered a range of socio-economic and biophysical factors, identified jointly with rural communities. The study comprised five empirical chapters in which the following issues are addressed; (i) socioeconomic risks associated with agriculture at the interface, and community attitudes towards wildlife tourism land uses (ii) contribution of existing livelihood strategies to household incomes, (iii) potential for tourism development and (iv) trade-offs in net revenues between different options for land use. The case study areas was Mhinga, one of the rural areas within the Great Limpopo TFCA in South Africa. The study area is situated on the north-western border of Kruger National Park (KNP), next to the Punda Maria park gate. Results showed that the costs by wildlife related damage such as livestock depredation and diseases, were higher than the benefits in employment and subsidies from the park for households. As a consequence attitudes towards wildlife by farmers were generally negative. There was also no mechanism to compensate households incurring wildlife damage. Households living closer to the park had more problems with wildlife damage. When the contribution of different livelihood activities to household incomes were considered, the study found that the main sources of income were the government welfare grants, formal employment and cattle farming. Cattle farmers were not in support of introducing wildlife based land use activities as they considered them to impose costs on other livelihood activities. Some community members were however of the opinion that introducing wildlife tourism could create employment and improve household incomes, especially for those households not engaged in cattle farming. When preferences of tourists, towards supporting forms of ecotourism outside the KNP were analysed, through a choice experiment approach, the study found that tourists were interested in village tours and crafts markets, but generally reluctant to use accommodation facilities outside the park. Analysis of options for land based development at the interface showed that existing land use practices were not optimal. The model results indicate that, by introducing irrigation, tourism and wildlife land uses, net revenues from land could be doubled in the future. It is concluded that, given the socioeconomic and bio-physical constraints characteristic to the area, most income can be obtained by combining all four land uses in the area in optimal proportions. Factors such as property rights, and benefits distribution which could impact the ability of rural communities in the TFCA to support, utilize and benefit from wildlife resources need to be addressed before any land use changes are implemented.
Photochemical Generation and Reactivity of Naphthyl Cations: cine Substitution
Slegt, M. ; Minne, F. ; Zuilhof, H. ; Overkleeft, H.S. ; Lodder, G. - \ 2007
European Journal of Organic Chemistry 2007 (2007)32. - ISSN 1434-193X - p. 5353 - 5363.
polycyclic aromatic-hydrocarbon - aryl cations - interstellar chemistry - iodonium salts - phenyl cations - naphthalene - ion - tetrafluoroborate - elimination - molecules
The photochemical solvolyses of naphthalen-1-yl(phenyl)iodonium tetrafluoroborate and naphthalen-2-yl(phenyl)iodonium tetrafluoroborate in methanol regiospecifically yield the naphthalen-1- and -2-yl ethers but afford scrambled 1- and 2-phenylnaphthalene Friedel-Crafts products. It is demonstrated that singlet naphthyl cations account for the formation of the naphthyl ethers, but that the cine substitution is most likely to be due to the intermediacy of triplet naphthyl cations. According to the experiments reported here, the singlet naphthyl cations are lower in energy than their triplet isomers. High-level MO calculations for the cations in methanol support this finding.
A journey without maps: towards sustainable subsistence agriculture in South Africa
Adey, S. - \ 2007
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Han Wiskerke, co-promotor(en): F.H.J. Rijkenberg. - [S.l.] : S.n. - 242
ontwikkeling - sociologie - participatie - technische vooruitgang - zelfvoorzieningslandbouw - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - plattelandsontwikkeling - bodemvruchtbaarheid - economische ontwikkeling - sociale ontwikkeling - instellingen - kunstnijverheid - natuurlijke hulpbronnen - hulpbronnenbeheer - gezinstuinen - voeren van een landbouwhuishouding - zuid-afrika - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - bodemvruchtbaarheidsbeheer - development - sociology - participation - technical progress - subsistence farming - sustainability - rural development - soil fertility - economic development - social development - institutions - crafts - natural resources - resource management - home gardens - homesteading - south africa - livelihood strategies - soil fertility management
Participatory technology development within the subsistence-farming sector in South Africa is receiving increasing attention. Linked to this is an interest in sustainable development, particularly for agricultural interventions. Ecological approaches to agriculture have largely been considered unable to provide a route for income generation. However, some promising examples of sustainable small-scale farming systems can be found in South Africa. The main aim of this thesis was to identify factors within these development programmes that led to sustainable technology development in the context of subsistence farmers’ livelihoods. This objective was achieved through exploring practically, the concepts derived from the sustainability paradigm. To be sustainable, a farming system should be biologically, technically and socially feasible and viable at farm level, within a positive and enhancing external environment. Sustainability ultimately concerns the relationships between all elements of the farming system and for this reason researching sustainability in agriculture requires a multi-level, multi-aspect and multi-actor approach. Sustainability was explored in three case studies in this thesis and at a number of levels: field level; farm and district level, including organizational interaction. Different aspects were researched that included agricultural technologies, household livelihoods and organizational development. The various actors involved in the technology-development process examined in the three case studies included farmers, change-agents, researchers and local traditional authorities. Interactions at all three levels influenced and contributed to the overall sustainability of the development intervention and this research supports the widely demonstrated conclusion that the challenges faced by agriculture will not readily be solved by technological interventions at the field level alone. The factors at each of the levels that contributed to the sustainability of the develop projects are presented and the lessons learned from the three case studies are also given.
Samen werken aan duurzaamheid
Jacobs, J. - \ 2001
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Michiel Korthals; Bart Gremmen. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058084354 - 133
duurzaamheid (sustainability) - filosofie - analyse - hermeneutiek - filosofische stelsels - sustainability - analysis - philosophy - hermeneutics - philosophical systems

This thesis is about a particular dilemma of sustainability. It arises if a sustainable solution of one sector implies a non-sustainable solution for another sector involved. I use Gadamers theory of hermeneutic as an analytical tool for a possible approach of this dilemma.

I assume that in the case of sustainability, the interpretation of actions is prominent and not the interpretation of definitions in for instance international treaties. I claim that sustainability is achieved only if we actually do something. At an abstract level this means that I start from actions and that, in my view, language is an action.

There is one opinion that we may wonder whether sustainability is an ideal that may never be achieved. In that case sustainability is considered to be a dream, as it were. There is another opinion that we could also start with the assumption that sustainability has been present for centuries. Many dynamic processes in society are responsible for the fact that sustainability is visible or not, as the case may be. In this approach to sustainability tradition is very important. It is the latter approach to sustainability that appeals to me. Sustainability is part of a dynamic process, a process that is in perpetual motion. Because of the fact that tradition is such an important element in sustainability, we can obviously describe sustainability as a hermeneutical problem. If we then add the notion that sustainability is all about actions, we conceive the notion that sustainability is a her meneutical problem of action.

I shall first tell some more about the hermeneutical process.

Gadamer's hermeneutics

Gadamer's theory is my basis for a hermeneutics of action. In the case of Gadamer's hermeneutics, we are dealing with the interpretation of texts. Gadamer is interested in the question as to how we can understand a text that is for instance twentyfive centuries old. On the face of it, doesn't the application of Gadamer's hermeneutics appear to be counter-Intuitive? Why do I want to apply Gadamer's hermeneutics in particular for the interpretation of actions? The various propositions in Gadamer's hermeneutics, such as tradition, fusion of horizons, finiteness, historicity and dialogue fit in quite well to my conceptual analysis of sustainability. Can I then apply Gadamer's hermeneutics to actions just like that? In my thesis I show that Gadamer himself offers possibilities in his theory that allow the application of his hermeneutics to actions. His theory allows me to widen its sphere from products to processes, or actions. The dynamic aspect of processes is expressed in the dialogic character of Gadamer's hermeneutics. Usually dialogue is the characteristic in Gadamer's hermeneutics that people continue to focus on, but in my view the emphasis must be on tradition.

Hermeneutics as dialogue

Gadamer's hermeneutics has the character of a dialogue. How can I transpose this to the problem of sustainability? What is being interpreted in sustainability and who are 'conducting this dialogue'? In sustainability we are dealing with a dialogue between two or more practices that have to understand each other, in which either of them has its own interpretation of sustainability. A practice must be understood to be a combination of actions.

Because of the fact that the practice concept is proposed to be the conceptual instrument for sustainability, the latter automatically assumes the structure of a practice. This means that the way in which sustainability develops, is related to the way in which internal and external aspects of a practice develop. It is thus no longer sufficient that sustainability develops solely within a practice. Sustainability must also be geared to the interaction with other connecting practices. The problem of sustainability arises in a situation in which the internal and external development of sustainability clash.

This internal and external development of sustainability is reflected in the distinction of actions directed either towards making or toward doing. Actions leading to an end product typically occur within a practice, whereas actions dealing with a process take place between practices. Of course these two types of actions are interrelated. They may be distinguished, but not separated. According to Gremmen: 'the competence is in the performance.'

A practice in Gremmen's view is a combination of knowledge and instrumental action. Even scientific knowledge cannot be separated from the practice - practicing science - from which it stems.

What is known as scientific knowledge is the shared background of standards and values shown in the scientific achievements such as experimental results. This also applies to technical sciences. The only difference between knowledge that is part of, for instance daily life, the arts or crafts, is the difference in practice this knowledge is part of. Though the practice structure of technical scientists differs from that of other practices, this does not mean that it deserves an appreciation that is different from that of the practices it is dealing with.

From the concept of practice to the concept of style

By choosing a hermeneutic approach to sustainability you assume that actions must be interpreted. One and the same action may have different interpretations. Do we find this in the concept of practice? No, the concept of practice merely indicates that the development of a practice occurs within and between practices. This concept does not offer an explanation to the question as to what the differences in interpretation are within comparable practices. A particular practice is distinguished by a particular way of action. We call this a particular style. So, the concept of practice alone is not sufficient. The theory of the practice must be extended. We have to search for a concept that shows equivalent actions and activities in groups from different practices.

This concept must show that groups belong together. These conditions are satisfied when we extend the concept of practice with the concept of style, The concept of style distinguishes the different ways of acting. It is a concept that structures actions and activities, so that these belong together as a group. Thus what we gain from the concept of style, is the fact that the different actions and activities and characteristics fit into a pattem, are related to each other. The different actions are organised. The relations between the actions are explained. I only call it a style, following Harwood (1992) when different styles may be distinguished within a practice and when the same style may be identified in another practice.

The concrete material substrate

I explained that the aspects that practices have in common are expressed by a comparable style. The question is, in what way the equivalence between styles is apparent in the coordination of people, knowledge and objects. We have seen that knowledge is typical for a particular practice and a person may well participate in two practices, though exercising different capacities in each. Therefore the common aspects must be the objects. On an abstract level, a concrete thing or object consists of something you could call substrate. This substrate stands for the physical characteristics of that thing. Obviously the aspects practices have in common are found on the level of the substrate. Subsequently the question is how to retrieve this notion on the level of the object, meaning how can we recognise it in the actions themselves. The concrete material substrate is an artefact. And how does this artefact fit into my theory about the hermeneutical approach to the sustainability dilemma? I assume that sustainability has its basis in reality. Sustainability is reflected in the way people deal with reality. Problems of sustainability take place on the object level. At first sight reality, such as a technical construct can only be used for a single purpose. Apparently people are able to deal with the technical construct in different ways. On the abstract level this may be explained hermeneutically by the fact that practices have a different interpretation of the substrate. These different interpretations on the abstract level are expressed in the actions on the object level in that each practice utilises the identical object differently. The fact that a technical construct may be used in different ways, offers a possibility of finding a solution to a dilemma of sustainability.

A number of examples in my thesis show the role a concrete material substrate plays in practice. A good example of this is the American power company that built a dam in the Columbia River to generate clean power. This well intentioned project proved to be a barrier for the salmon in the river. The dam prevented them from returning to the place where they spawned. On the one hand therefore, the dam contributed to sustainability, on the other hand it prevented another kind of sustainability. The local fishermen, who contributed to sustainability by catching the salmon only after they had spawned, protested against the dam. The power plant could have put a big stack of dollar bills on the table to buy out the fishermen, but in that case the salmon would have perished. In such a situation, with both antagonists striving for sustainability, financial arguments are not sufficient. Nor are technical solutions: the fish farm built by the power company below the dam did not yield the desired results.

The eventual solution is beautiful in its simplicity, and typical for successful solutions to this dilemma of sustainability: a maintenance gate in the dam was opened from time to time to allow the salmon passage upstream. Important is the realisation that we can interpret things in a different way from what we are accustomed to. The dam was initially understood to be something that closed off the river. It was only later that people realised that a dam with a maintenance gate also will be able to let something through.

I have shown that, for sustainability to be achieved within this sustainability dilemma there must be a hermeneutical process. But what is it? Can a hermeneutical process be compared to negotiating. No, negotiations are about the form, hermeneutics however deals with content. When negotiating people can come to a solution on the basis of economic arguments. The outcome is predictable. The same economic arguments no longer apply in a hermeneutical process. By taking the sustainability dilemma mentioned above, as a hermeneutical problem, this is shown to arise from differences in interpretations by the practices concerned. When you want to cluster these differences in interpretation, a creative moment is required involving the traditions of the practices concerned. One condition is that people get to know each other's habits in order to reach a solution. The differences in interpretation may be clustered in a fusion of horizons. This blending of horizons is achieved through the co-operation of the practices concerned. The co-operation takes place on the action level. The actions themselves leads to the fusion of horizons. By exchanging views people attempt to agree on the subject. This is not a situation in which people aim at being in the right or in which they try to fathom the other's individuality, but in which they try to understand each other and continue to interpret. All this takes place in reality, in the way we deal with things. In the case of sustainability this may be a technical artefact or a certain method.

In other words, the hermeneutical moment can only arise from an activity, and I call this cooperation. Eventually a comparable style develops. The concrete material substrate is the go-between or the interface between the practices. This substrate can also serve as interface within practices. For instance in the transition from a non-sustainable style to a sustainable style within the same practice. The substrate within a practice shows that a concrete thing may be helpful cementing the relationship between sustainability and the world. A particular style makes us sustain reality.

Sustainability arises from the way in which different practices cooperate in dealing with reality.

Soil fertility management strategies and practices by smallholder farmers in semi-arid areas of Zimbabwe
Mapfumo, P. ; Giller, K.E. - \ 2001
Patancheru, AP, India : ICRISAT/FAO - 53 p.
Indigenous soil fertility management strategies in semi-arid Communal Areas of Zimbabwe have largely been driven by an extensive use of resources. The shrinking of common property resources (CPRs) due to expansion of cultivated lands, the general loss of productivity in natural ecosystems (e.g., poor grazing) and increasing demand for nutrient sources due to the increased number of farming households have resulted in a critical scarcity of the traditional sources of nutrients. Although farmers use many locally derived fertilizers (e.g., leaf litter, manure or termitaria), they do so more in desperation than by choice. Because of their low quality and declining availability, locally derived fertilizers fall short of satisfying crop growth requirements for the current market-oriented economy. Such inputs also require a lot of labor for collection and transport, often for little return in soil fertility improvement. There should therefore be a limit to which we can expect to manipulate farmer innovativeness or exploit indigenous knowledge systems in order to sustainably manage soil fertility. Farmers have probably done their best under the prevailing circumstances. The study by Scoones et al. (1996) gives examples of how farmers have adopted and fine-tuned technologies to suit a variety of circumstances. This raises a major issue of whether indigenous soil fertility management and practices in semi-arid Communal Areas can be improved without introducing major changes to the farming systems. The answer depends on the level of production that it is hoped farmers can achieve. If yields above subsistence production levels are expected, then the idea of low-input agriculture in these marginal environments is nonsensical. As population pressure continues to increase, the major challenge in semi-arid communal Areas is that of transforming an extensive management system into an intensive one. This involves changes in extension strategies, farmers attitudes and perceptions and a concomitant change in resource utilization. It therefore requires an interdisciplinary and integrated approach and should be expected to take time. Current indigenous soil fertility management practices are dependent on CPRs. Net nutrient outflows from these ecosystems are likely to result in declining productivity of CPRs. Households in semi-arid areas get significant income from forestry products (Clarke et al. 1996) e.g., crafts and wood carvings. Intensification of soil fertility management on arable lands will save forestry resources and spare these ecosystems from degradation. Under the current management practices, the only viable nutrient sources are manure and crop residues
Dapat? : incorporatie en schaarste in Gayang
Lette, J.R. - \ 1985
Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): R.A.J. van Lier. - Wageningen : Lette - 208
antropologie - etnografie - visserij - vis vangen - maleisië - sociale antropologie - volkscultuur - gebruiken - volkenkunde - anthropology - ethnography - fisheries - fishing - malaysia - social anthropology - folk culture - customs - ethnology
This study examines the recent socio-economic history of a Bajau fishing village on the northwest coast of Sabah, a state in the federation of Malaysia. The character of maritime anthro pology and anthropology of fishing was discussed as well. The question is raised whether maritime anthropology and anthropology of fishing are meaningful specializations. This question was answered positively.

The social analysis of Gayang was based on three theories of development i.e. of Mygdal, Pearse and Galjart. The socio-economic development in Gayang was seen in the light of these theories. The material on Gayang shows that these theories are only valid under particular conditions.

The major concepts used in the analysis of Gayang were incorpo ration and scarcity. Incorporation was defined as an increase of the number of relations between the inhabitants of a local community and the wider society, as an intensification or an an institutionalization of these relations. Scarcity is usually defined as the relationship between supply and demand expressed in money. Because so much of the economic life of peasants has a value that cannot be expressed in money, labour has been used instead, despite its shortcommings.

In order to understand the economic behaviour of small-scale fishermen some of the insights gained from peasant studies have proved useful. in this study Scott's "safety first" principle and "subsistence ethic" are used in conjunction with Moerman's in sight as to the expectation of entrepreneurial behaviour of peasants.

The research problem has been defined as follows:
1. Can a process of incorporation of Gayang into the wider society be identified? If yes, what is its character, what are the different processes involved and what are the causes?
2. Did any change occur in the relative scarcity of resources and means of production? If yes, to what extend are they related to a process of incorporation, or should they be explained in a different way?
3. What is the effect of incorporation and the change in the relative scarcity on the social organization of production and distribution?

In the second chapter the history of Sabah, which has affected the developments of Gayang, is discussed. Before the history of Sabah is given, a brief history of the harbour principalities of Brunei and Sulu is presented, since Sabah fell under their jurisdiction prior to the colonial period. The nature of these harbour principalities, which form a special type, is examined and is used to explain the historical development of this region. The precolonial history is seen as the history of the perifery of these harbour principalities.

Colonial rule in Sabah was introduced by the Chartered Company, a commercial firm. This changed the nature and increased the integration of Sabah in the world economy. After the Japanese occupation during the second world war, which in Sabah was particularly harsh, Sabah became a British Crown Colony, which after independence became a state in the federation of Malaysia. Sabah experienced rapid development in this period as indicated by the growth of the G.N.P. and improved its infra-structure, health service, education etc.

The literature about the Bajau is reviewed in chapter three. Generally the Bajau seem to have been low status sea-nomads, owing alligiance to the different noblemen in the archipelago, especially in Sulu. On the northwest coast of Sabah they appear to have settled and to have been followers of islam for over two hundred years.

Chapter four describes and analyses life in Gayang, especially focussing on the recent socio-economic history. The description starts with the significant features of the surroundings i.e. the river, the sea, the beach, mangrove swamps, land and communications. Household composition, leadership, the economic position of those households which fall into the lowest category with regard to the ownership of means of production, the role of the government, individualism and economic activities are treated. Nearly sixty percent of all households consist of parents and children only and if one includes households consisting of single individuals, households of couples without children and one parent families, this would amount to seventy nine percent. Households which consist of more than three generations form nine percent of all households.

Leadership in Gayang is not linked to inherited titles and is not associated with status or any special lifestile. Leadership in Gayang is most clearly to be seen in fishing and is linked to ownership. The owner takes all the decisions and initiative. However it is not uncommon to find the leader of a fishing trip in the morning acting as a common crew member in an other fishing trip on the same day and vice versa.

The economic position of those households which fall into the lowest category with regard to the ownership of means of production, is reviewed in some detail. Of these seventeen households, three are dependent on support from relatives in order to fulfil their daily needs. Two households can make ends meet but cannot save, and the rest like all other households save and invest.

It seems that life in Gayang is characterised by individualistic behaviour. When parents and children live in the same house they may or may not form a single household. In the latter case, business transactions between the two households are normal. Parents do not expect to be supported by their children or other relatives unless they have no income and are unable to work.

Most households are engaged in agriculture and fishing but crafts, gathering, trading, wage labour and migrant labour also play a - minor - role in economic life.

Rice is primarily a subsistence crop, providing the staple food. Fishing provides most of the cash but home consumption takes precedence over the sale of fish.

Striking features of the fishing industry in Gayang are the absence of middlemen, credit and indebtness, the short duration and standardization of the contracts between owner and crew and labour shortage. Fish is sold on the market by the fishermen's wives directly to the consumer. This income allows the fishermen to pay for their consumer good and to accumulate capital, which is used to buy their fishing gear. This fishing gear is paid for in cash.

The number of men available in Gayang is only half of that needed to operate all nets simultaneously and as a consequence a con siderable part of the capital invested in nets cannot be made fully productive. It was concluded that the increasing incorporation of Gayang had resulted in a situation in which no longer the availability of the means of production limits the size of production but the availability of labour. The result has been a smaller scale of the production units because of an increased emphasis on the gill net which needs only two men to operate and the introduction of shared ownership of the more labour-intensive beach seines in order to develop more durable relations with the crew. Looking at the processes outlined in the theory of Mygdal, Pearse and Galjart we see some differences with the development processes in Gayang: marginalisation of a large portion of the population does not occur; it is unlikely that the control of resources is transferred to groups or individuals outside the village, there is no withdrawal into a subsistence economy and there is no emigration. It is hypothesized that the nature of the available technology in combination with some environmental fea tures are responsable for the increased demand for labour which cannot be supplied and therefore forms a complex of factors that must be conditional for the validity of the theories of Mygdal, Pearse and Galjart.

Het restaureren van historische tuinen
Anonymous, - \ 1977
Wageningen : Pudoc (Literatuurlijst / Centrum voor landbouwpublikaties en landbouwdocumentatie no. 4084)
kunst - bibliografieën - kunstnijverheid - ontwerp - uitrusting - landgoederen - tuinen - materialen - parken - particulier eigendom - technieken - arts - bibliographies - crafts - design - equipment - estates - gardens - materials - parks - private ownership - techniques
Inlandse tabak : expansie en contractie van een handelsgewas in de 17e en 18e eeuw in Nederland
Roessingh, H.K. - \ 1976
Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): E.W. Hofstee; A.M. van der Woude. - Wageningen : Veenman - 594
agrarische geschiedenis - tabak - geschiedenis - nederland - agricultural history - tobacco - history - netherlands

This study deals with the introduction and economic development of tobacco growing in the 17th and 18th Centuries in the Netherlands. It tries to explain how and why tobacco became firmly established as a cash crop among small peasants in the Dutch provinces of Utrecht and Guelderland. The aim is not primarily to describe the origin and economic changes in tobacco cropping, but to interpret the expansion and contraction of inland tobacco by relating agricultural, social and economic phenomena and by linking tobacco growing with developments in the manufacture and trade of tobacco. To this end I have considered the expansion and contraction from two different angles:

1. The production of Dutch leaf as source of income in agriculture.
2. The demand for inland tobacco leaf as raw material for tobacco manufacture in the United Provinces (especially in Amsterdam) and elsewhere.

An introduction on the biohistory of tobacco deals in general with the history of tobacco and tobacco smoking and its social implications. The object of this chapter is to place in a broader international and cultural-historical framework the introduction of tobacco in the Netherlands, the beginning of its cultivation, and its manufacture and trade.

Commercial production in the Netherlands started between 1610 and 1620. Tobacco growing was an innovation in Dutch agriculture. Initially cultivation was stimulated by Amsterdam tobacco merchants and tobacco manufacturers who saw in inland production a source for the stockpiles which they needed in order to influence the price of the overseas tobacco leaf on the Amsterdam market. Others - such as the ruling urban upper class, rich citizens and the gentry who had ties with trade as well as with agriculture - initiated tobacco growing around several small towns in the middle and east of the Netherlands. Prominent farmers with some education and a commercial bent were quick to adopt tobacco as a crop and small farmers followed their lead.

In other West European countries we also see the spread of tobacco growing from merchants and other urban people or the gentry to farmers and peasants. The available data show that this adoption and diffusion took place quickly (more quickly than usually is supposed for peasants in the pre-industrial period). This spread can be explained in part by the specific attributes of the innovation itself, but of equal importance was the structure of society in the regions where the adoption and diffusion succeeded.

The Dutch were already skilled in a sophisticated, commercial horticulture. Hence, in the 17th Century Dutch farmers were able to introduce several innovations to the newly adopted crop. Most important were the adoption, after 1635, of hotbeds for raising the young plants; the use of live hedges or fences of bean poles around the tobacco plots as windbreaks; and, after 1660, the introduction of the wooden drying house or tobacco barn with movable boards in the walls to control the ventilation during air curing. It is possible to associate these innovations with the expansion of tobacco cultivation in the 17th Century.

In the first decades of the 18th Century, the 'Dutch' method of cultivation was seen as the best one for successful tobacco growing in northern countries. After 1724 when the Swedish mercantile policy was to stimulate domestic tobacco growing, the Swedish government issued an advisory pamphlet propagating the 'Dutch' method.

As we know from the work of Van der Woude (1972) and Faber (1972), the maritime provinces of Holland and Friesland showed a noteworthy stagnation in population or even a strong decline after about 1650. But, in the same period the growth of the rural population in the middle and east of the United Provinces was actually faster than before and exceeded the agricultural resources and means of subsistence. The already existing pressure of population was aggravated. The small farms suffered from a chronic excess of labour. The labour-intensive tobacco crop could help to solve this problem and the new crop was able to spread, because cheap family labour was available on the small farms. Tobacco growing did not ask for expensive investments, and much work could be done very well by young children and women. The whole family could participate during a great part of the year in the cultivation and the operations after harvest and this was highly consistent with existing socio-cultural values about family and family-farming. For these reasons tobacco growing suited small farms very well.

In the long term, tobacco cultivation developed and expanded in the period of agricultural regression after about the middle of the 17th Century. When the prices of wheat, rye and buckwheat dropped more than did the prices of industrial products and wages, taxes, rents and so on, many small peasants fell into an economically dangerous situation. There was a growing shortage of hard cash for paying rent, taxes and shopping. Scarcity of money and population pressure in agriculture, favoured the switch to a labour-intensive and profitable cash crop like tobacco. Because of the failing grain prices, the available manure yielded a greater return when used on tobacco than on cereal crops. Share cropping in tobacco cultivation was usual, so it was less risky for the small peasants. The risk was shared with the landowning partner, who paid the costs for manure, advanced money and arranged sales of the crop.

After 1650, the number of small tobacco farms in eastern Utrecht and in Guelderland increased rapidly. Tobacco cultivation was a solution for that part of the rural population that otherwise would have been reduced to poverty. But also for the bigger farmers, the growing of some tobacco was attractive because of the price ratio between tobacco and grain.

In the long term, the rise in tobacco cultivation may be interpreted as an accompaniment of the prolonged agricultural recession in the period from about 1650 to about 1750. The price ratio of inland tobacco to cereals shifted in favour of tobacco and the growers reacted to these economic changes by increasing the tobacco area.

In the second half of the 18th Century, when grain prices went up again, many farmers gave up tobacco growing, because the prospects for cereals became more favourable. Moreover, potatoes then appeared as a crop, offering not only a cheap food for the peasants household but also an entirely new prospect for the small farmer. There was a marked recession of tobacco cultivation; its cultivation tended to concentrate around certain towns and in the areas where production was economically most favourable.

In the 17th Century, Amsterdam had become the biggest staple market for Virginia and Maryland tobacco leaf and also for the several European tobaccos. The world market for tobacco was in Amsterdam and here merchants from all over Europe could place their orders. Given the incoming and outgoing stream of overseas tobacco, a significant tobacco-manufacturing industry could develop in Holland and specially in Amsterdam.

Because Amsterdam was the staple market for overseas tobacco, Amsterdam tobacco spinners and cutters had ample opportunity to mix the imported English colonial tobacco with the much cheaper inland leaves. In rolling or spinning, inferior grades of tobacco were used for the insides while the better Virginia leaf was used as exterior 'wrapper', and this product was sometimes sold for 'Spanish' or real 'Virginia'. Interesting Dutch commercial methods! On the foreign markets for tobacco products, these Dutch mixtures could compete with the English pure Virginia spun, or cut tobacco, and with the Spanish tobacco, which - though better - was much more expensive. Especially in the Baltic, there was a great demand for the strong and heavy Dutch smoking and chewing tobacco, which was cheap.

At the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th Century, the development of the. price ratios between Dutch and British colonial tobacco leaf benefitted Dutch tobacco manufacture. The prices of Virginia leaf nearly doubled during the long and vehement naval wars from 1688 till 1714 and remained high till about 1720. In contrast, the prices of Dutch tobacco leaf rose only slightly. The profitable and increasing price difference made the mixing of cheap Dutch and expensive Virginia leaf more and more attractive. The cheapest product consisted of one-third inland leaf and stalk cut up, plus two-thirds Virginia stalks (midribs). Amsterdam tobacco manufacturers demanded more and more inland leaf and this heavy demand greatly stimulated the inland crop. In this way, the Dutch could sweep their English rivals from the Baltic before a wave of cheap tobacco, both manufactured and leaf.

To sum up: in the United Provinces, a close connexion existed between the development of the tobacco trade, the manufacturing industry and the expansion of inland cultivation. From its beginnings, the crop was stimulated by Amsterdam merchants. The great demand for cheap material from tobacco- spinning and tobacco-cutting houses resulted in an expanding cultivation at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th Century. At the same time, falling grain prices and increasing tobacco prices made tobacco growing attractive to small peasants, cottagers, agricultural labourers and villagers with access to garden plots. Consequently, an increasing amount of cheap inland tobacco leaf could be offered to the manufacturers.

After 1720 but especially from the 1750s, the trend was reversed:

1. Because of the changing price ratio of inland tobacco to cereals, the growing of tobacco became less attractive to the farmers.

2. The general expansion of the British colonial trade during the 18th Century caused the Virginia leaf tobacco to be marketed in increasing amounts at steadily decreasing prices on the world market. Therefore Dutch tobacco leaf became less attractive to the Amsterdam tobacco spinners and cutters.

3. The mercantile policy of many West European governments and the high customs tariffs worsened the market position of Dutch industrial products. An industrial decline, including one in tobacco manufacture, was inevitable in the United Provinces. During the 18th Century the Dutch tobacco export changed its character. Before 1720 the main export consisted of manufactured tobacco, but gradually the Dutch became primarily exporters of the raw material, the tobacco leaf, to the foreign factories.

Despite the decline in the Amsterdam spinning and cutting houses during the 18th Century, the Dutch tobacco crop was able to almost maintain its position for some time. This was due to:

1. The growing popularity of snuff all over Europe and the rising snuff prices. The Dutch leaf was specially suitable for snuff production and the growers changed the methods of cultivation to produce this kind of leaf, for instance by using much more manure.

2. The increased export of leaf tobacco as a raw material for foreign manufacture.

But in other European countries too, tobacco growing was encouraged. So, apart from the Virginia leaf, the competition with other cheap European tobacco leaf became increasingly severe.

In the second half of the 18th Century, Virginia leaf tobacco started to dominate the Dutch and other European leaf tobacco, both by low prices and by increasing supply. Competition on the old terms was ended. Dutch tobacco farming recovered temporarily in times of war when seaborn supply from Virginia and Maryland stagnated, and prices rose, as during the American War of Independence and Napoleonic wars. In these periods of high tobacco prices we see a remarkably quick reaction by the farmers and cottagers, who temporarily expand their tobacco business.

Dutch inland tobacco growing in the 17th and 18th Century demonstrates the interdependency between the rural sector and the town-centered manufacture and trade of the United Provinces. The growth of the Amsterdam tobacco manufacture and tobacco trade at the end of the 17th and the beginning of the 18th Century mainly depended on the leaf produced by small farmers and peasants in the provinces of Utrecht and Guelderland.

Within the producing regions tobacco growing gave new prospects to small peasants and poor labourers during a period of agricultural depression and provided additional employment in related crafts and trades.

In some villages share cropping in tobacco had a far-reaching consequence for the social stratification: i.e. ' the rise of a group of small tobacco-cottagers between the labourers and small peasants. When tobacco growing decreased or ceased this group turned to other labour-intensive crops. On these small farms the potato was easily accepted as a new crop in the second half of the 18th Century. Later on some went over to horticulture. So tobacco promoted in a way the continuing intensification of husbandry on the small farm. Generally speaking tobacco cultivation with its side effects worked as a regional differentiator and can help to explain still existing regional or local differences.

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