Staff Publications

Staff Publications

  • external user (warningwarning)
  • Log in as
  • language uk
  • About

    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

    We have a manual that explains all the features 

Current refinement(s):

Records 21 - 40 / 82

  • help
  • print

    Print search results

  • export

    Export search results

  • alert
    We will mail you new results for this query: keywords==labour economics
Check title to add to marked list
Agrarische arbeid 2010; Themaverkenning naar arbeidsvoorziening, arbeidsomstandigheden, arbeidskosten en sociale zekerheid in de land- en tuinbouw
Douw, L. ; Spierings, C.J.M. - \ 1998
Den Haag : LEI-DLO (Mededeling / Landbouw-Economisch Instituut (LEI-DLO) 615) - ISBN 9789052424491 - 91
arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkgelegenheid - werk - werkorganisatie - arbeidskunde - landbouw - arbeidsplaatsen - arbeidsomstandigheden - Nederland - labour - labour economics - employment - work - organization of work - work study - agriculture - work places - working conditions - Netherlands
Kwalitatieve verkenning van de belangrijkste ontwikkelingen en knelpunten op het gebied van arbeid in de land- en tuinbouw voor de komende tien tot vijftien jaar. Het onderzoek is gericht op de onderling samenhangende thema's arbeidsvoorziening, arbeidsomstandigheden, arbeidskosten en sociale zekerheid. De ontwikkeling wordt verkend tegen de achtergrond van te verwachten veranderingen op economisch, sociaal en technologisch gebied. Bij de arbeidsvoorziening zal arbeid meer als "human capital" worden beschouwd en neemt de concurrentie met andere bedrijfstakken toe. Wat de arbeidsomstandigheden betreft, zal de psychische belasting van zowel ondernemers als het personeel eerder toe- dan afnemen. Van betekenis is eveneens de verdere invoering van combizorg. Ten aanzien van arbeidskosten is op termijn sprake van hogere kosten per uur en geleidelijke productiviteitsgroei. Op het gebied van de sociale zekerheid speelt de tendens tot privatisering en de versterking van financiële prikkels. Tenslotte wordt ingegaan op aandachtspunten voor het beleid die samenhangen met hogere kwaliteitseisen aan arbeidsinhoud en arbeidsomstandigheden, flexibilisering van de arbeid en privatisering van de sociale zekerheid.
Stress bij de combinatie van werk en zorg
Bock, B.B. ; Olde, C. de - \ 1995
Den Haag : Emancipatieraad
arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkgelegenheid - werk - werkorganisatie - arbeidskunde - huishoudens - arbeidsverdeling - huishoudelijk werk - kinderverzorging - patiëntenzorg - bezoekers - huizen - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - vrouwelijke werknemers - vrouwen - psychologie - stress - labour - labour economics - employment - work - organization of work - work study - households - division of labour - housework - child care - patient care - visitors - homes - female labour - women workers - women - psychology
Boer & boerin, een proces van bewustworden en kiezen. Naar een levensloopbaanperspectief voor agrarische mannen en vrouwen.
Klaver, L. ; Poppel, J. van - \ 1994
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 94) - ISBN 9789067543286 - 90
beroepskeuze - werkgelegenheid - boeren - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - mannen - Nederland - beroepen - werkorganisatie - rurale sociologie - sociale klassen - vrouwen - vrouwelijke werknemers - werk - arbeidskunde - career choice - employment - farmers - female labour - labour - labour economics - men - Netherlands - occupations - organization of work - rural sociology - social classes - women - women workers - work - work study
Man/vrouw - maatschap beslist goed? : vrouwen in de samenwerking op het agrarisch bedrijf
Overbeek, M.M.M. - \ 1993
Den Haag : LEI-DLO [etc.] (Publikatie / Landbouw-Economisch Instituut DLO no. 2.199) - ISBN 9789052421971 - 79
landbouw - werkgelegenheid - landbouwondernemingen - boeren - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - individuen - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - recht - Nederland - werkorganisatie - sociale klassen - positie van de vrouw - vrouwen - vrouwelijke werknemers - werk - arbeidskunde - vennootschappen - rechtspositie - getrouwde personen - agriculture - employment - farm enterprises - farmers - female labour - individuals - labour - labour economics - law - Netherlands - organization of work - social classes - woman's status - women - women workers - work - work study - partnerships - legal status - married persons
Gelegenheidsarbeid in de agrarische sector
Duiker, A. ; Grotenhuis, M. te; Hoefnagel, M. - \ 1993
Wageningen : Landbouwuniversiteit - 134
landbouw - werkgelegenheid - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - Nederland - werkorganisatie - seizoenarbeid - werk - arbeidskunde - personen - agriculture - employment - labour - labour economics - Netherlands - organization of work - seasonal labour - work - work study - persons
Werk van de tweede soort : boerinnen in de melkveehouderij
Rooij, S. de - \ 1992
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.L. Mok. - S.l. : De Rooij - ISBN 9789023227298 - 235
melkvee - melkveehouderij - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkgelegenheid - werk - werkorganisatie - arbeidskunde - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - vrouwelijke werknemers - vrouwen - recht - positie van de vrouw - Nederland - feminisme - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - dairy cattle - dairy farming - labour - labour economics - employment - work - organization of work - work study - female labour - women workers - women - law - woman's status - Netherlands - feminism - emancipation of women - female equality

This study of the changing nature of farmwork for farmers' wives focuses on two central questions. The first concerns the effects on the wife's labour of scale- enlargement and specialization. Both of these processes can be considered as the accumulation of technological, economic and political changes in the agricultural sector over the last decades. The second concerns the degree and manner in which gender and gender relations play a role in decision making over the introduction and implementation of these processes at farm level. In other words, what role does gender play in decisions on the degree and tempo with which scale enlargement and specialization are carried through at farm level and over the concomitant reorganization of labour on the farm. Gender refers here to the socially constructed differences between men and women. Gender relations are (at least they have been until now) dominant relations. Gender includes the division of labour between the sexes, gender symbols, gender ideology and gender specific identities. Gender is at work at all levels, at the personal and institutional level, at the psychological and behavioural level, at the economic, social, cultural and political level.

As a consequence of opportunities for producers to interpret these external developments in their own way, considerable differences in Dutch agriculture can still be seen, making it possible, to a degree, through cross-sectional analysis, to study their effects. In this way the farm labour of the wife is compared with varying degrees of scale enlargement and specialization of the farm, giving us thereby certain insights into recent historical changes in their labour. The comparison between large-scale specialized, and small-scale mixed dairy farms (i.e. that also make their own cheese), is particularly important here because both types of farm form, as it were, opposite poles of an agricultural modernization process in progress since the fifties.

To investigate the influence of gender, a comparison was made between labour organization on farms with partners of the same and of different gender. At the same time gender on the family farm itself was also examined.

The research, which is confined to dairy farming in the central part of the Netherlands, looks at different aspects of female farm labour, defined as all those activities that women engage in that underpin the farming household and ensure the family farm's continued existence and progress. To determine which activities are, and which are not included as work or labour, account was taken of the ideas of the group of researched farm women themselves. Although their descriptions and criteria were quite diverse, some appeared to have more general validity than others. These were descriptions about work associated with activities that could not be left undone and were thus deemed to be 'necessary', or which were considered 'obligatory', or 'brought in money' or 'bounded by time'. Usually a combination of criteria were used. Women's labour involved different sorts of work which could be carried out on the farm as well as off it. This was stated by the women themselves. In broad terms the following kinds of labour can be delimited: household labour, bringing up children, farming activities, non- agricultural income-generating activities on the farm, paid or income-generating activities off the farm and voluntary work that is seen as socially relevant for the farming household. For the farmers' wives in the study, the emphasis lay on the first three kinds of labour.

Besides labour time, and the division of time given to different sorts of work and the women's judgement about this, the study particularly looked at aspects of the quality of women's labour. The stress here is on the labour content of the work done by women on farm related tasks. In addition to collecting data on what their task packet or allotment was, the study also examined the degree of task control that women had and the degree to which they worked together with their husbands. Task control refers to the extent to which one can decide on the issue, implementation, checking, evaluation and apposition of the task or task packet. The higher the degree of control, the higher the demand is for expertise and the greater the opportunity to gain new knowledge and experience. That also goes for the damage risk - the consequences of making a big mistake - and for insights into and overviews of the production process. The degree of task control is closely associated with the organization of production (i.e. the degree to which scale enlargement and specialization are carried through) and the way in which labour is organized internally. This means that task control cannot be studied in isolation from the division of labour and the nature of cooperation with the others involved. On a family farm this will be mostly the husband. That means that the degree of control exercised by women has to be seen in relation to that of their husbands and that the relation between the sexes plays an important role in the degree of control that women acquire or are allowed. This also holds for the relative share of both in decision making over the farm set-up and development. The research examines how the different areas of farm decision making are divided between farmers and their wives, and whether a relation exists between the labour content of wives' tasks and their influence on decisions over the inset and use of production factors, the farm labour process and the sharing and spending of income. Labour content is also examined in relation to the work experience of farmers' wives.

The research on the mechanisms which gender differences create, sustain and transform in the area of labour, touches upon all farm tasks. That is to say that existing practices, explanations and legitimateness of the division of labour in the household as well as on the farm were researched. Within that framework, questions were asked concerning the views of the women on their most important roles - farmer's wife, mother, housewife. These views were compared with those of the farmers on their own corresponding roles.

In summary, the empirical research led to the following findings:
1 Almost all the wives involved in the research had been, since childhood, conversant with working on a farm, with a specific division of labour according to sex, with specific ideas of what is women's and what man's work, and of what it is to be a farmer or farmer's wife. On the farms where they grew up the division between men and women' tasks was in part parallel to the division between enterprise and family, since work within the family was exclusively women's work and tasks on the farm were primarily those of men. Although no men were kept busy in the house, wives did work on the farm, though men made a distinction between what was men's and what was women's work and only a few tasks were carried out by both sexes. Clear gender differences also existed regarding future perspectives. Over succession to the farm only sons were mentioned, daughters were excluded from this. They could marry a farmer and thus become a farmers wife or marry outside agriculture. It goes without saying that the separation in tasks and perspectives goes hand in hand with the difference in upbringing and training enjoyed by farmers' sons and daughters. Farmers' daughters, in contrast to their brothers follow no agricultural education. For many of them, both young and old, the emphasis is on household education. For the older generation of women it was taken for granted that after school they would work on the parental farm if it was necessary. For the younger generation that was less so and it was also less necessary. But that they would stay close by was taken for granted. Younger women far more often than their older colleagues followed a training that had nothing to do with agriculture. However, since they were also confronted outside of agriculture with a division of labour on the grounds of gender, such a training was typically for women's occupations such as nursing, family care, dressmaking or cutting, secretarial work, selling and so forth. Often, solely with a view to marrying a farmer, many followed agriculturally based courses, mostly connected with typical women's work on the farm, such as cheese-making and bookkeeping.

2 Differences in scale enlargement and specialization appear to have little influence on the total amount of labour time. Farmer's wives all have a work week of a good seventy hours (from 71.5-72.5 hours). Scale enlargement therefore does not lead to a decrease in total work time for women, though differences do seem to occur in how the available time is divided between the various kinds of work she does. The time that is spent on farm work is diminishing. Taken on average, wives of specialized dairy farmers are occupied about ten hours less on farm work than those that make cheese. in contrast, with an increase in scale and specialization more time is spent on activities within the family field. Relatively speaking, there appears to be more time spent on the children and productive household work, such as in the kitchen garden and in processing products, on keeping house, and on making children's clothes etc. The experience of women on dairy farms in terms of time spent appears to coincide with the way in which time is spent in practice. In the ideal situation as they see it, they would rather spend less time on household chores and relatively more time on activities outside the farm and/or though to a lesser degree, on farm activities. Routine household work such as dusting, polishing and tidying are mentioned as the first to be shed, and are activities that the majority of farmers' wives considered the 'least rewarding'. Small-scale cheese makers, in the ideal situation - at least as concerns the cheese season - would like to put less time into farm work and more into outside activities. Also for large- scale cheese makers, the time ideally spent in the cheese season contains less farm work and time to give more attention to their children. One might thus conclude that the average farm wife of the specialized dairy farmer - hence of the large-scale type - sees herself as too much a housewife. The average cheese-maker - particularly on the large scale enterprise - sees herself, at least in the cheese period, relatively as too much farmer's wife and too little as mother.

3 The quality of farm labour - measured in terms of labour content - appears to decrease as scale and specialization rises. In essence, with specialization, the average wife loses her own labour domain on the farm. Instead she works together in the labour domain of her husband. The actual consequences of this appear to be that her own fixed farm tasks are converted into helping out labour. Instead of a task which she can largely control herself, which requires specific skills and which involves high damage risk, she gets work to do that is dominated by tasks done at the request of and on the instructions of someone else. Such work consists of a number of unrelated tasks that could be done by anyone and where mistakes have little damage risk for the farm. In short, with scale enlargement and specialization the average farmer's wife goes from a farming task load needing a relatively high qualification level to one with more restricted task control and needing far fewer qualifications. For good task performance, availability, precision and neatness are deemed to be the most important. The difficulty lies in being able to combine an these tasks with her other kinds of work, placing high demands on her organizing skills. At the same time it appears that with raising the degree of scale and specialization, the help which the farmer's wife receives in the family field diminishes, which means that work in this sphere also includes more tasks of a routine nature - routine household work.

Helping out, and fixed tasks with a low degree of control appear to give less satisfaction. While cheese-makers get satisfaction from the labour process itself (having their own domain, from their skills and responsibility for a good quality product) and from the results (a fine product, income, a good name), wives who just help out, seek this, as it were, in the more general notions of being involved in the farm, being a farmer's wife or co-entrepreneur or being active with and in nature. Scale enlargement and specialization thus lead not only to loss of task control and specific professional skills but also to a reduced chance of finding personal satisfaction in farm work and deriving a feeling of self worth from it. But the enjoyment cheese makers derive from their work can also decline, which is the case if the total work load is too high. This happens to cheese makers on large-scale farms. The daily pressure of work can become so great (financial pressures to keep on making cheese, less flexibility in the work scheme and/or through having to combine different sorts of work), that the wish to cut back on their own production work creeps in.

Scale enlargement and specialization of course do not always lead to a packet of farm tasks that are predominantly of a helping out kind. It seems possible for women to again create their own labour domain on the specialized farm. Specific qualifications appear to be one of the basic conditions for this.

4 A farmer's wife is not only involved in the implementation, control, opposition to and/or design of specific farm tasks or packets, but also in the design of the production process as a whole. It is actually on the family farm that the direct producers, among them the farmer's wife, largely decide which techniques and how they will be used, on the organization of labour, and on how the income obtained will be divided and spent. But although the wife undoubtedly has an influence on the design of the production process and on changes in it, her influence appears selective and narrower than that of her husband. The various areas of decision making appear to be shared between farmer and wife in a specific way, with decisions over the organization of production and farm practice considered to be the husband's field. The average wife gets involved in such decisions only when the demands of farm and family threaten to come into conflict with each other, particularly on decisions that involve great financial returns or risk. Whenever women get involved with decisions in this area, without there being any question of conflicting interests, then it always seems to involve farm tasks, or to be more precise, farm tasks that involve a high degree of task control. These appear to lead to greater influence on decisions over the associated labour process, farm practice and set up. The processes of scale enlargement and specialization thus entail a reduction in the involvement of the farmer's wife in a number of decision over the direct production process and its organization. That, however, does not hold for all such decisions. Those involving heavy financial risk are generally speaking, with increased scale and specialization, more often areas for joint decision making. At the same time there seems to be a contrary tendency: on some of these large scale specialized farms there is an increasing separation of decision making ares between the sexes, where wives retreat as it were into the family domain, while their husbands control the farming domain.

5 On all family farms there is a clear division of labour according to gender, in which inequality forms the basic pattern. Although such inequality is sharpened by scale enlargement and specialization, its roots are not there, but in gender. This becomes clear from a comparison of the labour organization and decision making on the kind of farms managed by male partners. Here one finds no talk of structural patterns of unequal labour relations.

The research shows that existing (skewed) labour divisions on gender and gender stereotyping ideas (of men and women of themselves, and their own and each others work) are the essential mechanisms in which inequality and domination are rooted. In decisions over the division and re-division of tasks between the farmer and his wife, as well as in decisions over farm practice and development, the ideas of those involved play a crucial role; ideas about women's and mens' work, about fulfilling gender specific labour roles (farmer's wife/farmer, mother/father), about masculinity and femininity and the relation between women and men, farmers and farmers' wives. Gender specific identities strengthen the exchange of ideas and behaviour of men and women. In the world outside the farm gender differences are again also to be found. A division of labour according to gender and living stereotypes of farmers, farmers' wives, their activities and the relations between them, likewise exists in all sorts of institutes closely linked to the farm and farming household, Men try, through all kinds of strategies, to maintain the status quo. They present obstructions if women want to expand their room to manoeuvre, use discriminatory behaviour against women (by stigmatizing, or by systematically rejecting or criticizing their behaviour or ideas); they introduce techniques that are tailored to the size of men; they make women's work invisible; they are selective in the composition of membership or administration of organizations, study clubs, commissions; they set demands and qualifications on task content that are not easily achieved by women (such as for example man/woman social contracts). In their turn women also appear to use strategies to exclude men from their domain (such as the family domain) or place themselves outside the man's domain. This behaviour is also based on and stems from existing labour divisions, gender stereotyping of work, ideas about men and women, farmers' wives and farmers and the relations between them.

The above summarized findings in my opinion demonstrate that:
A) the processes of scale enlargement and specialization entail for farmers' wives a loss of control over their own labour, and the labour process as a whole. On farm work tasks are to a greater degree than before controlled by the farmer, and those tasks that the wife performs demand fewer professional skills and involve less damage risk. This has consequences for the satisfaction derived from work, to wit, it diminish . That means that the quality of her labour declines as scale enlargement and specialization increase.
B) These particular consequences of scale enlargement and specialization processes for women's labour are brought about through the mediation of the category gender. Gender is part of all social relations and in this way is an existing part of the economic, technological and political processes that have led to scale enlargement and specialization and of the farm as labour organization, as it is also a part of the economic, social, cultural and political environment in which the family farm is embedded.

A matter of discretion : an essay on the US labour market
Korver, A. - \ 1989
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.L. Mok. - S.l. : Korver - ISBN 9789072015235 - 333
arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkgelegenheid - werk - werkorganisatie - arbeidskunde - VS - labour - labour economics - employment - work - organization of work - work study - USA
This a study on the labour market. More in particular it is a study on the supply of labour, the modes of its formation and its internal structure and dynamics. The avowed goal of the study is to elucidate a concept of labour power in which its commodity-status is played down and its status of submission highlighted. In consequence, next to market forces as such, the quality of citizenship, the legal codification of the employee status, and the nature of the labour contract are treated as key variables in the description of the labour market.

Economic theory often displays a somewhat apologetic attitude concerning the labour market. It is not hard to guess why, for although the demand for labour can be explained within the rationality parameters of firms, branches, and even whole economic systems, the supply of labour is not so easily classifiable. A host of contingencies -traditionalism of labour, the imperfect mobility of labour as a factor of production, provisions of the welfare state, and in general the inverse supply curve of labour are some of the better known instanceshave been brought to the fore to save the systemic concept of a market for labour and to acknowledge the peculiar behaviour of the supply of labour at the same time. The present study of course respects the idea of the market, if only for the rather obvious reason that labour does have a price or, for that matter, that the employment of labour depends primarily on economic parameters. But what is denied is that the supply of labour can best be approached in the systemic language of the market.

The sociology of labour markets has been more sensitive to the difficulties of analyzing the supply of labour in the systemic concepts of market society. On the whole, however, it has tended to accept the economic framework as a datum of the problem and has, in so doing, been stronger in stressing the social and historical problems and impediments associated with the full institutionalization of the labour market than in questioning the concept of the labour market itself. Labour market sociology has upheld the fiction of labour as a peculiar commodity, where the present study shares with Karl Polanyi the conviction of the reality of labour as a fictitious commodity.

The labour market is in this study approached as an area of discretionary action. The concept of the employer's recruitment discretion is one of its dimensions, and, although not commonly used, quite compatible with the existing body of knowledge on the functioning of labour markets. The situation is different with what I have called the 'mobility discretion' on the part of the worker. There is no ready equivalent for this expression in the literature. Of course, that labour may move from job to job, or even refuse to work at all, is nowhere denied. It is in fact one corroary of its status as a commodity: the freedom to enter into a contractual relation or to decline to do so. Changing employers is one way of improving one's situation; it is also the one sanction that each individual worker has at his disposal to express dissatisfaction with existing conditions. Just like the purchaser of a commodity can change brands the supplier of labour power can vote with his feet and add a little to the statistics on labour turnover.

Labour turnover and career mobility are internal to the economics of the labour market. Assimilable as well are switches from wage employment to an independent professional or entrepreneurial status, for these still are within the orbit of monetary accounts, calculations, and rationality. When subsistence -the economic relevance of non-economic institutions- comes in, however, the economic approach is getting into dire straits. Subsistence may mean a non-monetary arrangement men have created to take care of their material needs. The self-sufficient farming family-unit is the standard and remarkably dated textbook example. Subsistence today is rarely self-sufficiency independent from market and money transactions. But it is not absent. The formation of labour-power, insofar as this takes place in the family, is one important instance of subsistence. Migrating back and forth between country and town, agriculture and industry, autonomy and wage-dependency, may signal the force of subsistence as well. And even the so-called informal economy, tapping the potential of what Illich calls 'useful unemployment', may be seen as an index of the persistence of subsistence.

The concept of the mobility discretion is intended to include the push and pull of subsistence. It serves a two-fold function in that respect. First, I argue that the presence of lavish options for subsistence beyond the labour market creates not just a shortage of labour but an enormous problem of order in capitalist enterprise as well. Second, I argue that the disappearance of subsistence as a viable option beyond the labour market does not reduce its importance for describing the labour market. Its function of course has changed. The economy as system, as much as it is constantly at war with subsistence just as constantly reproduces it. where options for autonomous subsistence are available recruitment of wage workers is mainly limited to persons whose citizenship status forbids them the freedom to move about autonomously: women, children, and prisoners are the reputed historical examples. Where options for subsistence have been destroyed or have become sources of poverty rather than plenty the persons with weak citizenship status are no longer the first recruits. Instead they tend to be displaced to the outer ring of the labour market. The transformation of subsistence from autonomy into poverty and relations of direct personal dependence is but the other side of the development that transformed weak citizenship from a primary source of recruitment to an index of subsistence and marginal labour market position.

This argument, although important in itself, is not pursued in depth. The main emphasis of the study is on the establishment of the employee status as such and I have chosen to 'bracket' where possible differences in citizenship status in order to highlight the shortcomings of the commodity metaphor for labour especially in the case of identical citizenship statuses. This, it must be emphasized, has been methodological convenience more than conceptual rigour and every once in a while I have felt compelled to reintroduce differential citizenship statuses as part of the argument.

If one takes the idea of labour power as a commodity seriously one should expect on the one hand a clear concept of alienable property in labour power and on the other a defensible notion of freedom of contract. Both are lacking. One needs the concept of property, for without it there is preciously little to sell. But then, what is sold in the exchange creating the bond between worker and employer? It is, obviously, not a 'good'. Nor is it a 'service', for a service creates a relationship between an agent and a client. The employer, however grateful he may be, is not a client. Sold is not even a 'promise', for promises are tradeable objects and allow for very detailed specification indeed. At most we find in the labour contract the 'promise' to accept and work according to the instructions and the command of an employer. A very peculiar promise' thus, the peculiarity of which does not stem from its promising perspective but simply from the submissiveness it embodies. If one wants to stick to the notion of exchange one is forced to admit that the exchange involves the acceptance of authority for the payment of wages.

Authority is not marketable, however. Like most things it may command a price. Like the supply of labour power its production function escapes reliable quantification. Moreover it cannot itself be the object of exchange between employer and worker. The worker must agree with the authority of the employer, the employer cannot give up his authority title, it be then that both the statuses of employee and employer are rejected. In any other case the rule is that, preceding the freedom of contract, the statuses of employer and employee must already have been codified. Labour power, apparently, cannot complete the journey from status to contract. Why, to put it somewhat rhetorically, involves the sale of labour power the person of the labourer where for all other commodities one cannot expect more than a sample of a type? If I call for the plumber I am not sure whether the plumber will come or his helper. The helper, however, cannot send his brother, not to his employer and not to me, although the helper's brother may possess all the required qualifications.

The larger part of this book is about the USA. This flows from the assumptions just stated. The USA is an excellently suitable country for the study of industrial order, since in the early days of its capitalist expansion it suffered from a shortage of labour occasioned by the one and only original American dream of the 'frontier'. The USA was not burdened with a history of feudal relations. In consequence, what status elements were introduced in the labour contract were not due to survivals from an unmastered past, but to the necessities of creating and maintaining an employment relationship as such. Of course, the reliance on the labour of women, children, and prisoners does show that the American economic history shares at least some common experiences with the early capitalist development in the countries of Europe or, for that matter, Japan. But unique in the USA was the rather widespread and early distribution of full citizenship rights to the male, adult, and white population, immigrants not excepted and on average irrespective of requirements of property or literacy. If the conditions for the free labour contract and a meaningful notion of property in labour power were to hold, the USA had to be their material realization.

The conditions did not hold and politics and the law were among the reasons it didn't. They were not the only reasons of course. Economic developments cannot be dismissed so easily. These developments, I have trimmed them down in the main to three interdependent groups. The first of these is the development of the productive process, its organization, and the skill demands that flow from it. The second group is the development and the standardization of worker qualifications through the educational system and its branches. And the third is the labour market in the more restricted meaning of the word: demand and supply, the constraints relating to public and private law and the changes therein over time. The description of economic developments is far from complete therefore. Only those aspects have been selected that have a rather direct bearing on the labour market.

The architecture of the study is circular. It starts and ends with a critique of labour markets as integral elements in the system of the economy. The first part of the book discusses the difficulties in dealing with the supply of labour as an economic variable. The second part of the book focuses on the developments in the USA between, roughly, 1880 and 1938. This is the long period of the large scale introduction of standardization in the American economy, notably represented by Taylorism and Fordism, of the so-called new immigration, its interruption and demise since World War I, of the New Deal codification of the status of labour power in public law, and the effects on the freedom of contract the rise of public law entailed. The third part, finally, explores the notion of the labour market as the closure of the economic system, first, by looking at the contribution of sociologically minded economists such as Smith and Marx, second, by criticizing the very explicit attempt of Luhmann to clarify the ins and outs of the economy as a system, and third by taking to task some of the more outspoken recent contributions to the theory of social closure.

Tussen vernieuwing en traditie. Het emancipatieprojekt Herwaardering van arbeid in de Nederlandse Bond van Plattelandsvrouwen.
Lodder, T. ; Tims, N. - \ 1988
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Landbouwuniversiteit, Vakgroep Emancipatiekunde en Vrouwenstudies 28) - 128
werkgelegenheid - boeren - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - Nederland - werkorganisatie - organisaties - sociale klassen - sociale instellingen - waarden - vrouwen - werk - arbeidskunde - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - vonnis - logica - employment - farmers - labour - labour economics - Netherlands - organization of work - organizations - social classes - social institutions - values - women - work - work study - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism - judgement - logic
Effekten van automatisering voor de kwaliteit van arbeid, de arbeidsomstandigheden en de arbeidsvoorwaarden van werknemers in de glastuinbouw
Tilburg, P. van; Nigten, A. - \ 1987
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Landbouwuniversiteit, Wetenschapswinkel 17) - 169
automatisering - werkgelegenheid - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - mechanisatie - Nederland - werkorganisatie - werk - arbeidskunde - glastuinbouw - automation - employment - labour - labour economics - mechanization - Netherlands - organization of work - work - work study - greenhouse horticulture
M.b.v. open interviews is onderzoek gedaan naar de technologische ontwikkelingen in de glastuinbouw en de gevolgen ervan voor de werknemers wat betreft werkgelegenheid, arbeidsvoldoening en kwaliteit van het werk. Er is een begin gemaakt na te gaan welke mogelijkheden er voor de werknemers zijn deze ontwikkelingen te beinvloeden
Automatisering in de loonwerkersector en de gevolgen voor werknemers
Nigten, A. - \ 1987
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Wetenschapswinkel 20) - 30
automatisering - werkgelegenheid - boerderij uitrusting - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - mechanisatie - Nederland - werkorganisatie - werk - arbeidskunde - loonbedrijven - automation - employment - farm equipment - labour - labour economics - mechanization - Netherlands - organization of work - work - work study - wage labour enterprises
Automatisering in de bloembollensektor en de gevolgen voor werknemers
Nigten, A. - \ 1987
Wageningen : Wetenschapswinkel (Rapport / Landbouwuniversiteit, Wetenschapswinkel 22) - 41
automatisering - werkgelegenheid - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - bedrijfsvoering - mechanisatie - Nederland - werkorganisatie - bloembollen - werk - arbeidskunde - automation - employment - farm management - labour - labour economics - management - mechanization - Netherlands - organization of work - ornamental bulbs - work - work study
De Voedingsbond FNV heeft de Wetenschapswinkel van de Landbouwuniversiteit gevraagd onderzoek te doen naar de technologische ontwikkeling en de gevolgen voor de werknemers in de bloembollensector wat betreft werkgelegenheid en kwaliteit van de arbeid
Huishoudelijke arbeid, een uitdaging voor ergonomen.
Meer, A. van der - \ 1987
Tijdschrift voor Ergonomie 12 (1987)4. - ISSN 0921-4348 - p. 2 - 8.
samenstelling - werkgelegenheid - ergonomie - gezinnen - huishoudkunde - huishoudens - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkorganisatie - structuur - werk - arbeidskunde - composition - employment - ergonomics - families - home economics - households - labour - labour economics - organization of work - structure - work - work study
Belang van de ergonomie in het huishouden en vooral voor de huishoudelijke arbeid
Proceedings household science and its social and political relevance : research symposium october 17-18, 1985 Wageningen
Meer, A. van der - \ 1987
Wageningen : Agricultural University - ISBN 9789067541022 - 136
samenstelling - consumenten - werkgelegenheid - gezinnen - huishoudkunde - huishoudens - informatietechnologie - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - levensstandaarden - bedrijfsvoering - werkorganisatie - beleid - sociale indicatoren - structuur - theorie - werk - arbeidskunde - consumentenaangelegenheden - organisatie - composition - consumers - employment - families - home economics - households - information technology - labour - labour economics - living standards - management - organization of work - policy - social indicators - structure - theory - work - work study - consumer affairs - organization
Positieve diskriminatie, ja of nee.
Wolffensperger, J. - \ 1986
Tijdschrift voor huishoudkunde 7 (1986)4. - ISSN 0169-1295 - p. 97 - 98.
werkende vrouwen - werkgelegenheid - vrouwelijke arbeidskrachten - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - mannen - werkorganisatie - vrouwen - vrouwelijke werknemers - werk - arbeidskunde - employed women - employment - female labour - labour - labour economics - men - organization of work - women - women workers - work - work study
Huishoudelijke arbeid, emancipatie en ruimtelijke ordening.
Dam, J.M. van - \ 1986
Tijdschrift voor huishoudkunde 7 (1986)3. - ISSN 0169-1295 - p. 79 - 84.
werkgelegenheid - huishoudkunde - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkorganisatie - ruimtelijke ordening - planning - vrijwilligers - lonen - vrouwen - werk - arbeidskunde - werkuren - vrouwenemancipatie - gelijke behandeling van de vrouw - feminisme - betaald werk - onbetaald werk - employment - home economics - labour - labour economics - organization of work - physical planning - volunteers - wages - women - work - work study - working hours - emancipation of women - female equality - feminism - paid work - unpaid work
Gevolgen van de herverdeling van betaalde en onbetaalde arbeid over mannen en vrouwen op de ruimtelijke ordening
De onteigening van boerenarbeid.
Ploeg, J.D. van der - \ 1986
Landbouwkundig Tijdschrift 98 (1986)6/7. - ISSN 0927-6955 - p. 30 - 33.
landbouw - ontwikkelingslanden - werkgelegenheid - landarbeiders - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkorganisatie - werk - arbeidskunde - agriculture - Developing Countries - employment - farm workers - labour - labour economics - organization of work - work - work study
De huidige technologische ontwikkelingen lijken het proces van een groeiend onvermogen om in marginale gebieden een duurzame landbouw te creeren eerder te versterken dan te corrigeren. Op de landbouwontwikkelingspatronen, die gekenmerkt zijn door een sterke verscheidenheid, is ingegaan aan de hand van de volgende aspecten: kolonisten in Midden-Amerika; dynamische systemen; verbindende schakel tussen demografische en agrarische groei; de oostelijke zandgronden; incorporatie en onteigening; incorporatie en technologie; externalisatie, homogenisatie; innoveren als probleem. Een literatuurlijst is op aanvraag verkrijgbaar bij de auteur
Veranderingen in wonen en werken
Kesler, B.E.Th.A. - \ 1985
Tijdschrift voor huishoudkunde 6 (1985)4. - ISSN 0169-1295 - p. 114 - 121.
woningen - werkgelegenheid - huishoudkunde - huizen - huisvesting - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkorganisatie - werk - arbeidskunde - dwellings - employment - home economics - homes - housing - labour - labour economics - organization of work - work - work study
Ingegaan wordt op de huishoudkundige en woonekologische betekenis van: de scheiding van loonarbeid en huishoudelijke arbeid, en de "eigen werk" beweging; en van de scheiding van wonen en werken, en woonalternatieven. Zie ook Tijdschrift voor huishoudkunde 6 (1985) 2 blz. 48-54
Huishoudelijke arbeid in maatschappelijk perspektief
Kesler, B.E.Th.A. - \ 1985
Tijdschrift voor huishoudkunde 6 (1985)2. - ISSN 0169-1295 - p. 48 - 54.
werkgelegenheid - huishoudkunde - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkorganisatie - werk - arbeidskunde - employment - home economics - labour - labour economics - organization of work - work - work study
De plaats van huishoudelijke arbeid in onze samenleving
Tijdsbesteding en de arbeid in de huishoudelijke sector
Boelmans-Kleinjan, A.C. - \ 1984
In: NITHOO : nieuwe inventarisatie toegepaste huishoudwetenschappen, onderzoek en onderwijs / van Leeuwen, H., Ruiter, C., Guenther, H., Den Haag : NITHOO-VUGA - p. A21 - 8.
budgetten - arbeidsverdeling - werkgelegenheid - huishoudkunde - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - recreatieonderzoek - werkorganisatie - recreatie - onderzoek - tijd - vrijwilligers - lonen - werk - arbeidskunde - werkuren - betaald werk - onbetaald werk - budgets - division of labour - employment - home economics - labour - labour economics - leisure research - organization of work - recreation - research - time - volunteers - wages - work - work study - working hours - paid work - unpaid work
Definitie van huishoudelijke arbeid en verdeling van huishoudelijke arbeid tussen mannen en vrouwen
Huishoudelijke arbeid in de schaduw van Achterhuis
Vos, E.L. de; Wit-Sauter, A.M. de - \ 1984
Vakblad voor Huishoudkunde 5 (1984). - p. 77 - 83.
werkgelegenheid - huishoudkunde - arbeid (werk) - arbeidseconomie - werkorganisatie - werk - arbeidskunde - employment - home economics - labour - labour economics - organization of work - work - work study
Reactie op het hoofdstuk over de geschiedenis van de huishoudelijke arbeid uit: "arbeid een eigenaardig medicijn" van Hans Achterhuis
Check title to add to marked list

Show 20 50 100 records per page

 
Please log in to use this service. Login as Wageningen University & Research user or guest user in upper right hand corner of this page.