Foreign-Funded Adaptation to Climate Change in Africa : Mirroring Administrative Traditions or Traditions of Administrative Blueprinting?
Vink, Martinus ; Schouten, Greetje - \ 2018
Review of Policy Research 35 (2018)6. - ISSN 1541-132X - p. 792 - 834.
Africa - capacity building - climate change adaptation - colonial history - good governance - institutional diagnostics - ODA - policy framing - politics - public administration - public private partnerships
Climate change impacts are most severe in developing countries with limited adaptive capacity. Accordingly, in Africa, climate change adaptation has become an issue of international funding and practice. As suggested in the Introduction to this special issue, administrative traditions could play a role in how adaptation plays out. This, however, raises questions about how foreign funding regimes coincide with recipients' administrative traditions, especially on the African continent where administrative traditions are often meagerly established. To address these questions, this article takes an explorative approach. From a literature review of African state governance and development aid approaches, we take colonial legacy as the most distinctive factor responsible for African administrative traditions. In addition, we define three ways in which foreign aid programs have dealt with African administration: (1) aligning with donor administration, (2) blueprinting administration, and (3) ignoring administration. Using 34 African countries' National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPAs), we analyze how African governments actually frame adaptation as a governance challenge. We contrast these frames with: (1) administrative traditions based on colonial legacy and (2) the ways in which development aid programs have historically dealt with recipient African administrations. Our findings indicate that NAPAs only meagerly refer to the administrative tradition that could be expected based on colonial legacy, but extensively refer to blueprint ideas common among international donors, or ignore administration altogether. We discuss the implications for adaptation to climate change.
Authenticity and the Contradictions of the “Ecotourism Script” : Global Marketing and Local Politics in Ghana
Büscher, Bram ; Bremer, Renée van den; Fletcher, Robert ; Koot, Stasja - \ 2017
Critical Arts 31 (2017)4. - ISSN 0256-0046 - p. 37 - 52.
authenticity - development - ecotourism - Ghana - marketing - politics
Tourism in Ghana has been developing rapidly over the last decade. By marketing over a dozen “community ecotourism” sites, particularly around monkey and forest sanctuaries, Ghana hopes to attract travellers to spend money in the country and so aid local development and protect natural resources. This paper analyses this trend, outlining several contradictions in the country’s national branding of “authenticity” in ecotourism and how this takes local shape in the case of the Tafi-Atome monkey sanctuary in Eastern Ghana. We propose that actors on different levels in Ghana appear to market and brand ecotourism according to a “script” that directs and influences local ecotourism practices in ways that obscure these contradictions and thereby enable continuation of and belief in the script. We conclude that this “ecotourism script” is central to the promotion and implementation of ecotourism in general, and needed to maintain the belief that the activity is an important conservation and development panacea.
Panama disease in banana and neoliberal governance: towards a political ecology of risk
Cruz, Jaye de la - \ 2017
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): P. Macnaghten, co-promotor(en): K. Jansen. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789463437967 - 118
bananas - musa - Fusarium oxysporum f.sp. cubense - governance - innovations - politics - bananen - musa - fusarium - governance - innovaties - politiek
The emergence of Panama disease Tropical Race 4 (Fusarium oxysporum f.sp. cubense) or TR4 – a fungal disease in banana that is considered by horticulture experts as not only one of the most destructive diseases in the world (Ploetz 1994) but one with no on-hand socio-cultural or chemical method to control it satisfactorily (Ploetz 2015) – has generated conversations, dialogue, inquiry and at times controversy, on how this risk is to be managed.
The onslaught of Tropical Race 1 (TR1) in the 1900s, destroying many banana plantations in Latin America and the Caribbean, provided a lens by which the political economy of Latin America can be examined. Much, however, has changed in global political economy configurations between the 1900s and today. Confronted once more with the disease in contemporary settings, we are provided with an opportunity, and a context within which, to reflect on the ways by which societies, governments and peoples work to address the disease and mitigate its threats in a new time-space constellation. The rise of globalisation and the neoliberal model have ushered in profound changes within the last three decades – changes that have driven social and political processes on multiple scales of governance, and have influenced relationships, behaviours, ways of life and perceptions. This research, therefore, asks the central question: Do features of neoliberal governance influence risk perceptions and decision-making on Panama disease, and if so, in what ways?
This research draws from political ecology as a framework to analyse how political and economic relationships impact on people’s understandings of risk in the context of a phenomenon that has ecological or bio-physical roots. At the heart of the thesis lies the central matter of risk politics: that risk decisions – focusing in particular on what risks matter, who decides, who should be exposed to what, and to what degree – are both an effect of power and an exercise of power.
The thesis is based on a multi-site and multi-scale study consisting of two in-depth case studies – one conducted in the Philippines, the other in Australia – alongside expert interviews conducted in Kampala (Uganda), Rome (Italy), Wageningen (the Netherlands) and Florida (USA). The research is multi-scale in that three different scales of interaction are examined: at the global scale, as situated in the discourse and practice of international governing bodies; at the national scale, by studying the rules and laws in countries which have had experience of Panama disease, and by examining how biosecurity responses have been shaped in the context of a national policy of privatised agriculture; and at the local scale, where agrarian dynamics between small-holder farmers and large corporations are studied. The research is designed not to compare contexts with each other, but to provide illustrative snapshots of the many ways that risk can be shaped by its social milieu.
The first Chapter of this dissertation looks at how the risk of Panama disease is evaluated by international regulatory bodies and actors in global governance networks such as the International Plant Protection Convention (IPPC) within the Food and Agriculture Organisation, and examines the contestations that underlie the question of whether or not Panama disease control and management constitute a Global Public Good. It has been found with clarity that adherence to free trade principles influence and constrain the ways by which international organizations perceive the risk of, and how they address, this transnational plant disease.
The second Chapter, based on field work in the southern part of the Philippines where a Panama disease infestation has been confirmed and where social relations in rural livelihoods are characterized by a contentious agrarian history, investigates how asymmetric binary relationships between the social actors in a contract growership arrangement -- specifically large banana corporations and smallholder farmers -- influence the possibilities and limitations of disease control.
The third Chapter demonstrates, using the example of Australia, important limitations in the neoliberal ‘user-pays’ model in its ability to address emergency plant disease outbreaks, particularly when swift rule-making and rule-enforcing powers of the state are necessary. While the shared responsibility approach can keep the wheels grinding in a business-as-usual context, within a rapidly-evolving epidemiological emergency, the terms of engagement between government and industry need to be recast.
The fourth Chapter examines the issue of genetic modification – bannered by some scientists as the only or at least the most plausible solution to the urgent problem of Panama disease – and the current state of the global regulatory framework on bio-safety. Developing countries with confirmed Panama disease infestations (Philippines, Indonesia, Jordan, Mozambique and Pakistan) were used as units of analysis. Using tools of legal text analysis, a comparison is made between the National Reports of the countries to the Bio-Safety Clearing House of the Cartagena Protocol on Bio-Safety and international commitments to the IPPC, World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the Cartagena Protocol. This chapter challenges the notion of a ‘uniform science’ and finds that while individual countries ostensibly accept that science, or scientific knowledge, can be used as a unifying framework to consolidate multiple appreciations of risk and divergent approaches in addressing and confronting it, a perusal of their domestic legislation shows contradictions between what was committed in international platforms, and what is implemented domestically. Contrary to the purely scientific standards upheld by the IPPC and the WTO, socio-economic risks and cultural considerations have been found within domestic legislation.
Drawing from these chapters, this research proposes that neoliberalism influences Panama disease strategies in at least three ways: one, through the organisation and harmonisation of systems of behaviour, practices and legislation; two, through the promotion of its narratives and the marginalisation of counter-narratives; and three, through the endorsement of tools that support its agenda.
Firstly, neoliberalism organises and harmonises systems of behaviour, practices and legislation so that it conforms with its own logic and processes. An intuitive abhorrence of protectionism results in the perception that plant health measures that may result in trade barriers are inherently suspect, and thus should be avoided, except in the most exigent of circumstances. The international regulatory system has been substantially re-written so that even collective action becomes increasingly hard to be mobilized, and that international support cannot be activated without the imprimatur of the International Plant Protection Convention, given fears that such action might constitute the basis for future trade restriction. Through adherence to neoliberal principles, the global system has been in effect re-engineered in such a way as to limit the latitude and capacity of countries to identify and designate what they believe to be a risk, as a pluralistic interpretation of risk can be defined as constituting protectionism. Science and scientific knowledge are deployed not in furtherance of the wider considerations of plant health, but to ensure that considerations of plant health keep ‘within limits’ and do not cross over to impinge on borderless international trade.
Secondly, neoliberalism influences plant disease strategies through the propagation of a dominant narrative that protects its interests and the marginalization of counter-narratives that challenge its own dominant narrative. A narrative that blames smallholder farmers for Panama disease reinforces the trope on the unsustainability of smallholder agriculture and the lack of capacity of smallholder farmers. In contrast, a narrative that blames large companies or corporations for the spread of the disease is one that challenges the wisdom of corporate agriculture, and one that may have the consequence of state regulation of corporations, which contradicts the ideological core of neoliberalism: that the market must remain unhampered and unencumbered by strong state intervention.
Thirdly, neoliberalism influences Panama disease measures through the endorsement of tools against the disease that are consistent with its agenda. The research surfaces the aggressive promotion of biotechnology as the only solution – or the ‘silver bullet’ to the possible extermination of Cavendish bananas because of Panama disease, and the endorsement of a biotechnology-permissive global regulatory regime. Neoliberalism did not create Panama disease, nor are proponents of genetic modification always driven by market compulsions, but neoliberal globalism has been shown, for instance through predatory patenting schemes, to reinforce and exacerbate the tendencies of the ‘biotechnology revolution’ to cause social polarisation.
In sum, neoliberalism influences Panama disease strategies by framing risk – by managing and controlling how the risk of Panama disease is perceived, measured and decided upon by social actors. Its framing of risk is negotiable, malleable and contingent on what the system needs at a given time. This research concludes that neoliberalism has the effect of instrumentalising risk by deploying it as a tool that is used to protect the dominance of its ideology. The framing of risk – the answers to the fundamental questions of what risks matter, who decides, who should be exposed to what, and to what degree – is, indeed, an exercise of power. But at the same time, it is done to protect accumulated power, and in the course of this research, I strove to demonstrate, using the example of Panama disease, the precise ways by which neoliberalism has exercised its power in multiple levels of governance and within social relations of production to frame plant disease risk to its strategic advantage.
The urgent imperative, therefore, is to continue asserting a global counter-narrative: one that pushes plant disease protection as a global public good, one that speaks to heterogeneous understandings of risk and does not require a uniform notion of science to confer legitimacy to varying standards of protection and, most importantly, one that puts the marginalised and the disproportionate risk burdens that they bear at the centre of the discourse.
Methodology for the case studies
Smits, M.J.W. ; Woltjer, G.B. - \ 2017
EU (Circular impacts ) - 19
economics - cycling - projects - renewable energy - recycling - sustainability - durability - politics - policy - environment - economie - kringlopen - projecten - hernieuwbare energie - recycling - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - duurzaamheid (durability) - politiek - beleid - milieu
This document is about the methodology and selection of the case studies. It is meant as a guideline for the case studies, and together with the other reports in this work package can be a source of inform ation for policy officers, interest groups and researchers evaluating or performing impact assessments of circular economy policies or specific circular economy projects. The methodology was developed to ensure that the case studies focus on the overall im pacts of the circular economy. The frame of the methodology is a s tep - by - step approach, which will be described in section s 3 and 4 of this document. In section 2 we describe the selection of the case studies.
The politics of environmental knowledge
Turnhout, E. - \ 2016
Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462573796 - 20
milieuwetenschappen - milieu - kennis - biodiversiteit - ecosysteemdiensten - natuurbescherming - politiek - environmental sciences - environment - knowledge - biodiversity - ecosystem services - nature conservation - politics
Brexit : verkenning van de gevolgen voor de Nederlandse agrosector
Berkum, S. van; Terluin, I.J. - \ 2016
Den Haag : LEI Wageningen UR - ISBN 9789086157334 - 35
european union - european union countries - great britain - politics - economic situation - agricultural sector - international trade - tariffs - netherlands - europese unie - landen van de europese unie - groot-brittannië - politiek - economische situatie - landbouwsector - internationale handel - tarieven - nederland
This study explores the possible consequences of a Brexit for Dutch agrifood chains. The UK is assumed to apply zero or low import tariffs for agricultural products. Whether that impacts Dutch exports, depends on the sector’s competitiveness. The Dutch agrifood sector, though, benefits from the UK’s vicinity and the sector’s efficient organisation of logistics, in particular for fresh products (such as cut flowers, vegetable, fruit, dairy and meat), which provide the sector a strong point of departure to maintain current positions at the British market after a Brexit.
‘Rhino poaching is out of control!’ Violence, race and the politics of hysteria in online conservation
Büscher, Bram - \ 2016
Environment and Planning A 48 (2016)5. - ISSN 0308-518X - p. 979 - 998.
conservation - hysteria - politics - Rhino poaching - South Africa - violence
The rhino-poaching crisis in South Africa, according to many concerned citizens, conservation organisations and governments, is ‘out of control’. With over 1000 rhinos poached in each of 2013, 2014 and 2015, the crisis has triggered a massive response, much of which heavily depends on online tools to raise funds and awareness. The paper analyses emotive discourses and imaginaries as part of dominant online responses to the rhino-poaching crisis and found that these are predominantly espoused by whites and show a worrying penchant towards (extreme) violence. Building on a theorisation of the links between race, nature, affect and control, the paper hypothesises that these responses reflect a ‘politics of hysteria’. This politics captures the employment of affective and emotive expressions as a way to demand control over a situation ‘out of control’ in the context of historical and contemporary South African political economies of racial inequality. And as these expressions often tend towards exaggerated or extreme violence, they become potent forms of political mobilisation and intervention. New media are a crucial ingredient of this potency, and the paper concludes that this opens up important new questions about the relations between race, nature and violence.
Payment for Environmental Services: mobilising an epistemic community to construct dominant policy
Rodriguez de Francisco, J.C. ; Boelens, R.A. - \ 2015
Environmental Politics 24 (2015)3. - ISSN 0964-4016 - p. 481 - 500.
ecosystem services - irrigation - politics - mexico - field
The alleged capacity of Payment for Environmental Services (PES) to reach conservation policy goals, while reducing poverty in a cost-effective manner, makes it an extremely attractive development instrument for policymakers and international funding agencies. This article reconstructs the process of envisioning and building the National PES Strategy in Colombia. It reveals how this conservation policy has resulted from the mobilisation of the transnational/national PES epistemic community and its globally expanding discourse. The influential PES network generates internally defined standards of success that proceed without reference to empirical evidence as to the impacts of the implemented policies. PES adoption is influenced by regulatory instruments’ unsatisfactory outcomes, the ways in which market-environmentalist models induce profound indifference towards on-the-ground policy impacts, the discursive power and alignment properties of the PES policy epistemic community, and financial and political pressures by international banks and environmental NGOs.
Seeds, food networks and politics: different ontologies in relation to food sovereignty in Ecuador
Martinez Flores, L.A. - \ 2015
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Guido Ruivenkamp; Han Wiskerke, co-promotor(en): Joost Jongerden. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462574908 - 194
voedselsoevereiniteit - landbouw bedrijven in het klein - gemeenschappen - voedsel - netwerken - ontologieën - zaden - politiek - lupinus - voedselketens - landbouwbeleid - overheidsbeleid - etnografie - andes - ecuador - food sovereignty - peasant farming - communities - food - networks - ontologies - seeds - politics - lupinus - food chains - agricultural policy - government policy - ethnography - andes - ecuador
In this thesis I explore the ontological proposal of food sovereignty and I discuss the possibilities offered by studies like this one to the attempts of the social sciences to explain – in a symmetrical fashion - that develop between humans and other entities at the time of production, processing and consumption of food. In this effort I combine ethnography and history.
Oil palm expansion without enclosure: smallholders and environmental narratives
Castellanos Navarrete, A. ; Jansen, K. - \ 2015
The Journal of Peasant Studies 42 (2015)3-4. - ISSN 0306-6150 - p. 791 - 816.
agrarian change - land control - biofuel - conservation - plantations - community - indonesia - politics - sovereignty - question
Recent debates on land grabbing and biofuels tend to link oil palm expansion to rural dispossession, environmental degradation and rural resistance. In this paper, we examine to what extent ‘enclosure’, a central concept in two critiques – ‘environmentalism of the poor’ and ‘green grabbing’ – is intrinsically linked to oil palm expansion. We argue that where enclosure is absent, poor peasants may seek greater market integration over resistance to modernisation processes. We analyse how and why peasants engage in oil palm cultivation and how their involvement undermines green efforts to curb its expansion in Chiapas, Mexico. Our analysis suggests that an exclusive focus on enclosure as the main driving force behind contestation and agrarian social relationships is unable to explain agrarian dynamics and the multiple uses to which environmental narratives are put. Keywords: biofuel; dispossession; green grabbing; Mexico; political ecology
Tourism Encounters and Controversies: Ontological Politics of Tourism Development
Jóhannesson, G.T. ; Ren, C. ; Duim, V.R. van der - \ 2015
London : Taylor & Francis (New Directions in Tourism Analysis ) - ISBN 9781472424365 - 247
toerisme - ontwikkeling van toerisme - toerismebeleid - politiek - actor-network theorie - ondernemerschap - tourism - tourism development - tourism policy - politics - actor-network theory - entrepreneurship
The multiplicity of tourism encounters provide some of the best available occasions to observe the social world and its making(s). Focusing on ontological politics of tourism development, this book examines how different versions of tourism are enacted, how encounters between different versions of tourism orderings may result in controversies, but also on how these enactments and encounters are entangled in multiple ways to broader areas of development, conservation, policy and destination management. Throughout the book, encounters and controversies are investigated from a poststructuralist and relational approach as complex and emerging, seeing the roles and characteristics of related actors as co-constituted. Inspired by post-actor-network theory and related research, the studies include the social as well as the material, but also multiplicity and ontological politics when examining controversial matters or events.
Water, Power and Identity. The cultural politics of water in the Andes
Boelens, R.A. - \ 2015
New York : Earthscan (Earthscan Studies in Water Resource Management ) - ISBN 9780415719186 - 365
waterrechten - waterbeleid - watervoorraden - hulpbronnenbeheer - governance - politiek - water - andes - water rights - water policy - water resources - resource management - governance - politics - water - andes
This book addresses two major issues in natural resource management and political ecology: the complex conflicting relationship between communities managing water on the ground and national/global policy-making institutions and elites; and how grassroots defend against encroachment, question the self-evidence of State-/market-based water governance, and confront coercive and participatory boundary policing ('normal' vs. 'abnormal'). The book examines grassroots building of multi-layered water-rights territories, and State, market and expert networks' vigorous efforts to reshape these water societies in their own image - seizing resources and/or aligning users, identities and rights systems within dominant frameworks. Distributive and cultural politics entwine. It is shown that attempts to modernize and normalize users through universalized water culture, 'rational water use' and de-politicized interventions deepen water security problems rather than alleviating them. However, social struggles negotiate and enforce water rights. User collectives challenge imposed water rights and identities, constructing new ones to strategically acquire water control autonomy and re-moralize their waterscapes. The author shows that battles for material control include the right to culturally define and politically organize water rights and territories.
Like water for justice
Joshi, D. - \ 2015
Geoforum 61 (2015). - ISSN 0016-7185 - p. 111 - 121.
environmental justice - management - himalaya - politics - south
The narrative of environmental justice is powerfully and passionately advocated by researchers, practitioners and activists across scale and space. Yet, because these struggles are multifaceted and pluralistic, rooted in complex, evolving “socio-material-political interminglings” the concept is difficult to grasp, and even harder to realise. Recent literature raises concerns as to what makes for environmental injustices, how injustices are defined, classified as urgent and/or critical, by whom and why, how they gain political attention, etc. This paper draws attention to these issues by contrasting the largely untold, nonetheless entrenched and enduring “old” water supply injustices in the Darjeeling region of the Eastern Himalaya in India with articulate contestations relating to the speedy advancement of “new” hydropower projects here. Water supply problems in the Darjeeling region are particularly wicked – nested in fractious ethnicity–identity political conflicts. These complex local realities tend to obscure the everyday challenges relating to water as well as render these problems spatially anecdotal. What happens – or does not – around water here is certainly unique, yet comparison to other struggles in other settings show that locational and environmental politics provide critical evidence to question the several implicit universalisms in relation to water justice.
Why are lions killing us? Human-wildlife conflict and social discontent in Mbire District, northern Zimbabwe
Matema, S. ; Andersson, J.A. - \ 2015
The Journal of Modern African Studies 53 (2015)01. - ISSN 0022-278X - p. 93 - 120.
natural-resource management - indirect rule - land - campfire - politics - africa - conservation - tradition - livestock - botswana
Early in 2010, lions killed four people and over a hundred livestock in Mbire district, northern Zimbabwe, an area bordering a complex of protected wildlife areas of global conservation importance. The events prompted a local outcry, prominent media coverage, and even calls for the translocation of people to safer areas (The Herald 11.1.2010, 23.1.10, 27.3.2010, ZimEye.org 17.1.10, 22.1.10). Government agencies also responded to this apparent human–wildlife conflict. The Mbire Rural District Council (RDC), the local authority in wildlife management, shot ten lions and lifted a moratorium on the hunting of female lions. The central government’s Parks and Wildlife Management Authority (ZimParks) more than doubled the RDC’s annual lion hunting quota. But unlike these government bodies, local people did not see the attacks only as a human–wildlife conflict. For them, the lion attacks were also meaningful in a different way, signifying a political problem of a much larger magnitude. As local government in Mbire is highly dependent on wildlife exploitation, they did not see the lion attacks independently of the changing governance arrangements in Mbire district.
Regional restrictions on environmental impact assessment approval in China: the legitimacy of environmental authoritarianism
Zhu, X. ; Zhang, L. ; Ran, R. ; Mol, A.P.J. - \ 2015
Journal of Cleaner Production 92 (2015). - ISSN 0959-6526 - p. 100 - 108.
public-participation - politics - implementation - management - democracy - power - law
The poor enforcement and effectiveness of environmental impact assessment (EIA) on construction and investment projects in China has long been blamed for not preventing environmental pollution and degradation. At the same time, freezing EIA approval of all new projects in an administrative region, introduced in 2006 as a punishment for failing to meet regional environmental quality targets, has been regarded as an innovative administrative instrument used by higher level environmental authorities on local governments. But it also raised controversies. Applying an environmental authoritarianism perspective, this study analyzed the legitimacy and environmental effectiveness of freezing EIA approval procedures by reviewing all 25 national cases and 12 provincial cases of so-called EIA Restrictions Targeting Regions between 1 December 2006 and 31 December 2013. The results show that such an environmental authoritarian measure is to some extent environmentally effective but lacks legality and transparency towards and participation of third parties, and hence falls short in legitimacy. Legal foundations and wider third party participation are essential for the long term effectiveness of this policy and its transfer to other countries.
|Action research for climate change adaptation : Developing and applying knowledge for governance
Buuren, A. van; Eshuis, J. ; Vliet, M. van - \ 2015
London : Routledge (Routledge advances in climate change research ) - ISBN 9781138017603 - 198
klimaatverandering - actieonderzoek - governance - klimaatadaptatie - kennis - politiek - wereld - climatic change - action research - governance - climate adaptation - knowledge - politics - world
Governments all over the world are struggling with the question of how to adapt to climate change. They need information not only about the issue and its possible consequences, but also about feasible governance strategies and instruments to combat it. At the same time, scientists from different social disciplines are trying to understand the dynamics and peculiarities of the governance of climate change adaptation. This book demonstrates how action-oriented research methods can be used to satisfy the need for both policy-relevant information and scientific knowledge. Bringing together eight case studies that show inspiring practices of action research from around the world, including Australia, Denmark, Vietnam and the Netherlands, the book covers a rich variety of action-research applications, running from participatory observation to serious games and role-playing exercises. It explores many adaptation challenges, from flood-risk safety to heat stress and freshwater availability, and draws out valuable lessons about the conditions that make action research successful, demonstrating how scientific and academic knowledge can be used in a practical context to reach useful and applicable insights. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of climate change, environmental policy, politics and governance.
Communicating climate (change) uncertainties: simulation games as boundary objects
Pelt, S.C. van; Haasnoot, M. ; Arts, B.J.M. ; Ludwig, F. ; Swart, R.J. ; Biesbroek, G.R. - \ 2015
Environmental Science & Policy 45 (2015). - ISSN 1462-9011 - p. 41 - 52.
science-policy interface - decision-support - projections - adaptation - politics - information - transition - management - working - systems
Climate science is characterized by large uncertainties about the direction, extent and time frame of climate change. Communicating these uncertainties is important for decision making on robust adaptation strategies, but proves to be a challenge for scientists particularly because of the complexity of uncertainties that are part of natural variability and of human induced climate change. The aim of this paper is to assess the role of a simulation game, as intermediate, to the communication of climate change uncertainties to water managers. In three workshops with water managers, the simulation game ‘Sustainable Delta’ was played to test the influence of the game on their understanding of climate change uncertainty using ex ante and ex post surveys. In each workshop an experimental- and control group were given different assignments to measure the influence of the game. The results show that although the differences between groups were not statistically significant, a change in their understanding of uncertainties was observed. The paper concludes that the learning effect of the game is inconclusive, but that the game does fosters a broader understanding of the concept climate change uncertainty. In doing so, simulation games are a promising approach to support the communication of climate change uncertainties meaningfully and support the process of adaptation to an uncertain future.
Gender mainstreaming and rural development policy; the trivialisation of rural gender issues
Bock, B.B. - \ 2015
Gender, Place & Culture : a Journal of Feminist Geography 22 (2015)5. - ISSN 0966-369X - p. 731 - 745.
european-union - mobilities - areas - state - work - eu - challenges - migration - politics - family
This paper considers gender mainstreaming of the EU Rural Development Programme. The EU promotes the gender mainstreaming of rural development policies because retaining women in rural areas is seen as crucial to the long-term viability of rural areas. A review of literature and scan of policy documents demonstrates that few rural development plans address gender issues, and generally only by including some separate projects for women. Little is done to address the systemic features of gender inequality and to realise inclusive developments that address the needs of all social groups. The de-politicisation of rural gender issues results in policy makers ticking the obligatory gender box without envisioning any real change in the agenda or process of rural development policy making. I argue that a more fruitful way to go forward is to re-politicise gender in rural development and to tease out at the local level how changing gender relations and rural development coincide.
Users' perspectives on decentralized rural water services in Tanzania
Masanyiwa, Z.S. ; Niehof, A. ; Termeer, C.J.A.M. - \ 2015
Gender, Place & Culture : a Journal of Feminist Geography 22 (2015)7. - ISSN 0966-369X - p. 920 - 936.
governance - gender - sustainability - networks - politics - reform
This article examines the impact of decentralization reforms on improving access to domestic water supply in the rural districts of Kondoa and Kongwa, Tanzania, using a users' and a gender perspective. The article addresses the question whether and to what extent the delivery of gender-sensitive water services to rural households improved after the reforms. Household- and village-level data were obtained through a household survey and qualitative methods. The findings show an increase of the proportion of households using improved sources of domestic water between 2002 and 2011. However, more than half of users still travel over a kilometre and use more than an hour to collect water in the dry season. Despite the increased proportion of women in water management committees, the outcomes of these decentralized arrangements differ for men and women. Overall, the reforms have produced contradictory effects by improving access to water supply for some users, and creating or reinforcing existing inter- and intra-village inequalities
Water reform governmentality in Ecuador: Neoliberalism, centralization, and the restraining of polycentric authority and community rule-making
Boelens, R.A. ; Hoogesteger van Dijk, J.D. ; Baud, M. - \ 2015
Geoforum 64 (2015). - ISSN 0016-7185 - p. 281 - 291.
rights - governance - politics - irrigation - andes - field
In most Latin American countries, issues concerning water governance and control also reflect broader conflicts over authority and legitimacy between the state and civil society. What lies behind the diverse water policy reforms is not simply a question of governing water affairs but also a drive to control or co-opt water user groups. This paper examines the efforts by the present Ecuadorian government to ‘control water users’ through new forms of ‘governmentality’ (Foucault, 1991). We use the ‘cathedral and bazaar’ metaphor (Lankford and Hepworth, 2010) to illustrate government rationale and practices in water governance shifts in the last decades. We analyze how Rafael Correa’s government sets out to reshape the relations between state, market and society. In its ‘Twenty-first Century Socialism’ project, based on a proclaimed ‘Citizen Revolution’, actual policy reform does not reverse but rather transforms the process of neoliberalizing water governance – creating a hybrid bazaar-cathedral model. We argue that the current water govermentality project implements reforms that do not challenge established market-based water governance foundations. Rather it aims to contain and undermine communities’ autonomy and ‘unruly’ polycentric rule-making, which are the result of both historical and present-day processes of change. Interestingly, water user federations that emerged during the neoliberal wave of the last two decades now claim water control space and search for new forms of democratizing water governance. They act as agents who fiercely – yet selectively and strategically – oppose both elements of the State-centered (cathedral) and market-based (bazaar) water governance models
Rural development and the entwining of dependencies: Transition as evolving governance in Khorezm, Uzbekistan
Assche, K.A.M. van; Djanibekov, N. ; Hornidge, A.K. ; Shtaltovna, A. ; Verschraegen, G. - \ 2014
Futures 63 (2014). - ISSN 0016-3287 - p. 75 - 85.
planning systems - transformation - resilience - management - economies - networks - politics - delta - water
We develop an analytical framework that allows to grasp the evolving patterns of rules and roles in rural transitions, and the concomitant changes in the functions of expertise. Institutional change is understood as governed by a combination of path dependence, interdependence and goal dependence. We illustrate and develop the framework by means of an in-depth analysis of rural transition in the Khorezm province, Uzbekistan. In Khorezm, the Soviet actors were tightly coupled in order to contribute to shared goals first of all cotton and grain production. After independence, dissolution of collective farms, a diminished interest in planning and policy coordination, and locally different styles of political steering, led to a much less coordinated rural governance, to a scattering of expertise and to opacity regarding its supply and demand. We reflect on the implications of our findings for the analysis of rural transitions more broadly, and especially the impact of policies and plans aiming at a rural transition in a specific direction. (C) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Increasing representation of states by utilitarian as compared to environmental bureaucracies in international forest and forest-environmental policy negotiations
Giessen, L. ; Krott, M. ; Mollmann, T. - \ 2014
Forest Policy and Economics 38 (2014). - ISSN 1389-9341 - p. 97 - 104.
nature conservation policy - institutional change - governance - regime - politics - sectors - back
This article analyses the representation of selected countries (EU-27 and the five influential "forest states") to international forest-related negotiations by national utilitarian vis-a-vis conservation-oriented ministerial bureaucracies. It is hypothesised that due to the bureaucracies' informal goal of gaining and maintaining responsibility over political issues, mainly ministries of agriculture including forestry and ministries of environment are competing for the task of representing states in international forest and forest-environmental negotiations. A survey design based on a semi-structured questionnaire was used to study the bureaucratic representation of the selected states to the United Nations Forum on Forests (UNFF) and to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) negotiations between 2000 and 2011. The results show that in the processes under study the representation of states by utilitarian types of bureaucracies is rather increasing, while the role of conservationist bureaucracies is declining. Likewise, the roles of ministries of foreign affairs and economic affairs are declining, while hybrid organisations on agriculture/environment were observed being on a strong increase. Under CBD negotiations the vast majority of responding countries was represented by environmental bureaucracies, while agricultural ones played a marginal role. In contrast, under UNFF negotiations countries were represented by agricultural, economic and hybrid agricultural/environmental bureaucracies in approx. equal shares. Agricultural bureaucracies especially gained influence under UNFF negotiations during the study period. The article concludes on these trends also highlighting options for future research. (C) 2013 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Sustainability Standards and the Water Question
Vos, J.M.C. ; Boelens, R.A. - \ 2014
Development and Change 45 (2014)2. - ISSN 0012-155X - p. 205 - 230.
forest stewardship council - virtual water - environmental governance - commodity networks - private standards - fair trade - food - certification - politics - market
Increased global trade in agricultural commodities has boosted fresh water consumption. This export of ‘virtual water’, embedded in products sold abroad, has increasingly affected local communities and ecosystems, especially in arid regions. Recent initiatives to certify agricultural production are showing a rapidly growing interest in considering water issues within schemes of quality assurance, sustainable production and fair trade. This article scrutinizes current water sustainability certification schemes, and how they affect local water user communities. The authors use three notions of governmentality to examine water sustainability standards and how they aim ‘to conduct the conduct’ of water users: (1) standards as ‘production of truth’ and ‘mentalities’ that constitute systems of collective rationalities, values, norms and knowledge; (2) standards as networks that prescribe roles and establish power relations between companies and producers; and (3) standards as ‘techniques of visibilization’ that control practices and discipline producers. Private standards in general reinforce the political and market power of private sector agro-food chains in local water management, to the detriment of local water user communities and national governments. However, sustainability certification could also potentially enable local, regional, national and international organizations of user communities to stake claims and negotiate to protect their water sources and livelihoods.
Paradoxale modernisering : Ede, 1945-1995: groot geworden, herkenbaar gebleven
Bloembergen-Lukkes, J.R. - \ 2014
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Pim Kooij, co-promotor(en): Anton Schuurman. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462571433 - 365
geschiedenis - modernisering - politiek - economie - demografie - cultuur - onderwijs - migratie - ruimtelijke ordening - sociologie van vrijetijdsbesteding - lokale geschiedenis - veluwe - nederland - history - modernization - politics - economics - demography - culture - education - migration - physical planning - sociology of leisure - local history - veluwe - netherlands
Ede, 1945-1995: Grew big, remained recognizable
After the Second World War, like many other municipalities in the Netherlands and elsewhere in the Western World, Ede experienced a period of rapid economic and population growth, of mobility, increase in scale, urbanization, better education, professionalization, individualization and democratization. Developments that may be summarized in the word modernization. I wondered if modernization is an exogenous process and did it more or less just happen, or is it a planned process or something in between. I decided that the best way to answer these questions was not to study the modernization process on a national level, but on a local level. There I hoped to find the answer on the question what possibilities people have to define their own community.
I choose the municipality of Ede as my case study for the next reasons. After 1945, the Ede municipal executive opted for growth: economic, population and employment growth. In 1962, the municipal executive formulated a goal to welcome its 100,000 resident by the year 2000, which represented a doubling of the population since the end of the war. Ede was to be transformed into the city of Ede. This milestone of 100,000 inhabitants was reached as early as 1996, 60,000 of whom lived in Ede town. In order to achieve this goal, action was needed on several fronts. The rapid growth achieved was not the result of a policy plan handed down by central government. Ede was not one of the designated development areas. Ede was not regarded as an underdeveloped area requiring a top- down targeted approach for accelerated industrialization and modernization. On the other hand, in 1945, Ede was still clearly a rural community and the town centre clearly showed characteristics of a village society. So the rapid growth meant changes in different policy sectors.
Ede easily attracted new residents and employment opportunities as a result of its strategic location in the middle of the Netherlands, its good infrastructure and sufficient space. What it did need, however, was the development of housing estates and industrial estates including the necessary infrastructure and the development and expansion of, for example, education facilities and leisure amenities. In a predominantly Protestant community, this raised questions about the persuasion of these types of amenities and led to debates on, if actually desirable, the type of socio-cultural policy most appropriate for local government. Rapid expansion of a community may be perceived as a threat to the characteristics of that society. This question made Ede an extra interesting subject for research. In the case of Ede it was justifiable to assume that tensions would have arisen between the rural and urban ambitions and between Christian and secular developments. The municipal authority is involved in the developments and decision-making process relating to all the elements of the public domain, which is why it was chosen as the focus for this research.
The policy decisions required in the different areas to facilitate growth are by their nature intertwined. The construction of housing estates and business premises conflict with the interests of the agricultural sector and nature conservation. The arrival of new residents can change the social, political and religious composition of the population, resulting in consequences for how society is organized and for the future local political constellation and vice versa. Every decision must take what has occurred in other areas into account and will, in turn, have consequences for adjacent domains. For these reasons a choice was made for modernization as theoretical concept. Chapter one contains a historiographical discussion of this concept and an elaboration of how this concept has been applied to this research. In line with Schuyt and Taverne, I have chosen not to provide modernization in advance with a specific interpretation by adding ‘controlled’, ‘contested’ or ‘reflexive’. For the research, four policy areas have been selected for further investigation: spatial planning, education, guest workers/migrants and leisure facilities. As an introduction to the chapters on the developments in Ede, chapter two contains a broad outline of the national developments in which the local developments took place. Subsequently, in chapter three I discuss the way in which the modernization process was made visible in the composition of the municipal executive, including its chairpersons over a period of fifty years. Politicians not only partly determine which choices are made in the modernization process, but are also subject to this process themselves both at party and individual level. In this sense, through its decisions the political establishment in no small way contributes to determining its own future and, in turn, the composition of the municipal council and executive. The choices for more or
less growth, for public-authority or private-authority schools , for providing public amenities or not, et cetera influence who will choose Ede as a place of residence and work. In this way, secularization manifests itself in changes in the population composition and the demand for specific amenities, as well as at the level of the political composition of the municipal council and the individual councillors. As a result of the population growth, by 1966 the newcomers held the majority of the seats on the council. However, the original population of Ede managed to control the executive positions for much longer. Democratization, individualization and secularization led to an increase in the number of political parties represented on the council and enhanced pluralism. Compared to politics at national level, both women’s emancipation and the professionalization of councillors clearly had a delayed start. As was the case at national level the larger parties lost ground, although the SGP (Reformed Political Party) formed an exception in Ede.
The main theme of chapter four is spatial planning. Ede has profited considerably from the migration of residents and employment opportunities from the Randstad. Ede’s central location put it in a strategic position to benefit from national developments on spatial planning. The size of the municipality ̶ Ede being one of the largest in the Netherlands ̶ , the good infrastructure and the presence of the Veluwe National Park made Ede a popular place of residence and business. This remained the case even after, from the start of the 1960s, the provincial and national governments tried to curb the drift to Ede. As a result of its many qualities, Ede was able to achieve its growth ambitions and disregard the limiting measures imposed by higher government levels. In relation to nature conservation, Ede stayed more in line because the municipal executive regarded the Veluwe National Park as one of the attractive aspects of living in Ede. In respect to agriculture, the municipal executive chose for, on the one hand, an uncompromising policy to develop housing and business premises at the expense of farmland, while, on the other hand, applying a non-interference policy for the agricultural sector and business operations. Both small farmers and the strong growth in intensive animal husbandry could count on an accommodating local government. It was the national government which, as a result of the high levels of environmental pollution, designated the Gelderland Valley as a Spatial Planning and Environment area (ensuring spatial planning was combined with the environmental aspects). This, in turn, forced the municipal authority to impose regulatory measures on the agricultural sector in its spatial planning policies.
The policy choices in relation to the educational facilities are discussed in chapter five. What is conspicuous here is the clear commitment on the part of the Christian political parties to maintain the Christian character of the education. In the 1950s, this commitment could also count on the support of the Christian councillors representing the PvdA (Labour Party). It was not until the early 1960s that all the PvdA councillors supported the VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) in its struggle
to increase the number of public-authority schools. In the meantime, Protestant Ede had managed, under the leadership of the ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) aldermen, to establish broad, and partly above municipality level, private-authority denominational schools. In achieving this, the ARP (Anti- Revolutionary Party) politicians were able to make use of their extensive network, which included national politicians. It was only in the early 1980s that secular Ede achieved a long-cherished goal with the opening of a public-authority neutral secondary school. The presence of a broad range of Protestant-Christian educational facilities is one of the explanations why Ede’s expansion did not lead to a drop, in percentage terms, of the Orthodox-Christian share of the vote. These parties were, however, practically always kept outside the coalition. Nevertheless, they managed to profit from the educational policies implemented by the coalition parties CHU (Christian Historical Union) and ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party), and later by the CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal). These parties were not, however, rewarded for this policy as they were confronted with continuous and steady losses at the polls. Illustrative of this development was also the establishment in the 1970s of a number of Protestant Reformed primary schools and the establishment of a Protestant-Christian School Advisory Service in 1984. The long-term opposition to a more secular organization of society was also expressed in the opposition until the start of the 1970s to abolishing the dismissal of married teachers.
Ede’s growth did not only bring an influx of new residents from the rest of the Netherlands to the Veluwe. The shortage of unskilled workers, which continued to increase during the 1960s in the Netherlands, also resulted in the arrival of guest workers in Ede. Chapter six discusses the attitude of the political establishment towards this population group, whose stay was initially expected to be only temporary. It quickly became apparent that their unfamiliarity with our country, language, customs and laws in combination with their low wages and, for the most part, low level of education gave rise to a need for social assistance and specific facilities. The municipal executive did not, however, make use of the possibility to participate in the Migrant Workers’ Assistance Foundation that was established in Gelderland in the 1960s and in which the municipal executives of Apeldoorn and Arnhem participated. The Ede municipal executive maintained the view, as did other places in the Netherlands, that the
reception of this population group and the facilitating or provision of specific facilities was not the task of government —and most certainly not in the area of religion. In relation to this last point, the constitutional separation of church and state was invariably used as argumentation. Although, in practice in the Netherlands, and this includes Ede, up to that point had not been so strictly adhered to as was preached in Ede. It was only at the end of the 1970s that the first careful steps were taken to arrange for the required facilities. The municipal executive disregarded an official report in 1977 by Ede’s own Sociographical Department, in which migrant workers were considered one of the minority groups in the Netherlands and in which specific mention was made of the role of government in the origination of the problems confronting this population group. The decision of the national government in 1984 to transfer policy on minorities to local government forced the municipal executive to set down its own policy. When social unrest occurred surrounding the desire of and initiatives by the Moroccan and Turkish communities for their own place of prayer, the municipal executive slowly changed its attitude from a wait-and-see approach into an active approach in which a reasonably acceptable solution was sought in consultation with all the parties involved. The strong position of the SGP (Reformed Political Party) in local politics could present an explanation for the fact that in this period the extreme right in Ede, in contrast to national level, never achieved the electoral threshold.
Growth also places demands on leisure facilities. In the previous topics, especially in relation to the educational facilities and the facilities for migrant workers, there was an ongoing discussion in the background about how big the role of government should be in society. In confessional circles, but also within the VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy), an ideological preference prevailed for small government, meaning, where possible, the initiative should be left to the community or the individual respectively. Government spending on leisure activities was particularly sensitive in the Protestant-Christian parties. The SGP (Reformed Political Party), on principal, held the opinion that the government should not spend public money on these types of activities. The development of sport fields/sport halls and the accommodation of sports clubs could, however, count on the support of the majority of the council and certainly also of the municipal executive. In the 1950s and 1960s the aldermen of the PvdA (Labour Party), VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) and ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) were great sport enthusiasts. Subsidies for cultural activities were more sensitive as theatre and opera had been a taboo for a long time within segments of the Protestant- Christian parties and, particularly, within the SGP (Reformed Political Party). If it was, nevertheless, decided to provide funding to support organizations or initiatives, then it was chosen for a strong involvement by the municipality, for example through ownership and tenures. This was an attempt by the municipal executive to exercise more control over the operations and the use of subsidies. At the same time, the municipal executive had a preference for the commercial use of, for example, a swimming pool or a theatre because this presented the possibility of keeping the public funding to a minimum. Particularly this involvement in a commercial organization gave rise, once again, to criticism within the council and within the community because commercialism with the help of public money was considered inappropriate for government and unfair competition. Ultimately, in the middle of the 1980s, the municipal executive distanced itself from the commercial operations by awarding a fixed subsidy amount based on agreements relating to the services provided to the community.
Reflecting on the fifty year period researched, two cut-off points can be established in the modernization process in Ede. The first period runs from 1945 to 1966 and is characterized by growth and tradition. The prevailing philosophy was that despite the choice for growth the Protestant-Christian character of the municipality should and could be maintained. This is illustrated in the development of a broad and above municipal level provision of private-authority Protestant-Christian educational facilities, in the commitment to non-interference in the agricultural sector including keeping the peasants, and in the conservative policy on developing cultural activities for the leisure sector.
However, the growth did strengthened aspects such as secularization, professionalization, geographical and social mobility, individualization and democratization: the modernization process continually resulted in changes in society and in the population composition and was not solely restricted to what was desirable or planned.
The second period runs to 1978 and can be characterized with the terms: change and debate.
The municipal policy was examined more critically. For example, the city-forming plans were considered undesirable both by the original population and the newcomers. Maintaining the smallness and a more rural character proved to be attractive aspects for Ede. At the same time, the demand for a more pluralistic and broader provision of social and cultural activities increased. In this second period, the non-interference policy in relation to agricultural developments except in the case that agricultural lands were required for housing and business premises, encountered opposition when the negative effects of the continuous expansion in the intensive animal husbandry for the ecology and
environment became more apparent. In addition, the arrival of migrant workers and with them Islam
into this predominantly Protestant-Christian community became more problematic during this period. As a consequence of unemployment and family reunification, more pressure was put on the municipal authorities for assistance and the need for a place of prayer for the Muslim community strengthened.
The societal and economic changes led to a more pluralistic political landscape. The six parties were confronted with increasing competition from new political parties, including the Boerenpartij (Farmers’ Party) which was the first to profit from the discontent. Only the SGP
(Reformed Political Party) managed to hold onto its share of the vote. The third period is characterized by the development of a new political situation and the search for a new political balance. The municipal executive was forced by the national government to curb the intensive animal husbandry.
The ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) had to part with the education portfolio and, finally, Ede got a public-authority neutral secondary school, the Pallas Athene. It was a long journey, but the Muslim community also received its own place of prayer. At a time when societal opposition to the building of a mosque appeared to favour the national extreme-right political parties and movements, the municipal executive opted to work with the Muslim groups to find a solution acceptable to all parties. The municipality distanced itself from the business operations in how it financed organizations such as swimming pools, the theatre and events such as the Week of the Heather.
What are the answers to my questions I posed in the beginning: is modernization at the local level more of less an exogenous process, can it be planned, or have local politicians enough opportunities to make a difference? When compared to the national developments it holds true for Ede that the 1950s was certainly a dynamic period, but it is also true to say that a Protestant-Christian community such as Ede required more time to shape its growth ambition so that old and new, conservative and progressive, and religious and secular could achieve a new balance and compromise. The changes were neither imposed from outside nor according to plan. The paradoxical outcome of the modernization process is that it has led to the further convergence of the local with the national developments, but it has at the same time ensured the survival of local characteristics.
Partially, these are characteristics that have consciously been or were able to be preserved by politicians, such as the predominantly Protestant-Christian education facilities and a conservative policy towards the socio-cultural domain. This policy has not, per definition, turned out favourably for the supporting political parties. It was the SGP (Reformed Political Party) and not the governing parties CHU (Christian Historical Union) and ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) (and later the CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal) that managed to hold onto its voters, even though the Protestant-Christian character of the municipality was the reason why a segment of the newcomers chose for Ede. Their votes did not strengthen the confessional parties at the centre of the political spectrum; it was precisely the orthodox element that benefitted, which was illustrated by the arrival of the RPF (Reformed Political Federation/GPV (Reformed Political Union). Other characteristic elements are independent of the local political policy and have ensured that Ede has become and remains a desirable place of residence and business. Its central location on the Veluwe, the good infrastructure, and the size of the municipality stimulated and made growth possible. Ede was a municipality with adequate facilities and the amenities it lacked could be found in the nearby Randstad and Arnhem.
The Veluwe National Park also forms a large, green and tranquil back garden.
Modernization was not imposed upon Ede, contrary to what Van Deursen notes in the case of Katwijk. Even so no controlled modernization for Ede, as Van Vegchel describes for Emmen. Like Zwemer states for Zeeland, local politics in Ede has been able to make a difference within the national developments and governmental guidelines. The national government only intervened and imposed their policy at the moment local political choices led to negative effects beyond the municipal boundaries. In accordance with the findings of Schuyt and Taverne the development in Ede was not the result of a ‘grand design’, not even of local politicians. Ede shows quite nice the paradox of modernization. Despite the creation of uniformity in the ongoing process of national integration and globalization, the paradox is that contradictory movements are possible that contribute to ensuring that the unique character of the area can be preserved, even if this characterization is also subject to change.
Managing climate change in conservation practice: an exploration of the science–management interface in beech forest management.
Koning, J. de; Turnhout, E. ; Winkel, G. ; Blondet, M. ; Borras, L. ; Ferranti, F. ; Geitzenauer, M. ; Sotirov, M. ; Jump, A. - \ 2014
Biodiversity and Conservation 23 (2014)14. - ISSN 0960-3115 - p. 3657 - 3671.
fagus-sylvatica l. - ecological restoration - policy - future - range - biodiversity - shifts - uncertainty - responses - politics
Scientific studies reveal significant consequences of climate change for nature, from ecosystems to individual species. Such studies are important factors in policy decisions on forest conservation and management in Europe. However, while research has shown that climate change research start to impact on European conservation policies like Natura 2000, climate change information has yet to translate into management practices. This article contributes to the on-going debates about science–society relations and knowledge utilization by exploring and analysing the interface between scientific knowledge and forest management practice. We focus specifically on climate change debates in conservation policy and on how managers of forest areas in Europe perceive and use climate change ecology. Our findings show that forest managers do not necessarily deny the potential importance of climate change for their management practices, at least in the future, but have reservations about the current usefulness of available knowledge for their own areas and circumstances. This suggests that the science–management interface is not as politicized as current policy debates about climate change and that the use of climate change ecology is situated in practice. We conclude the article by discussing what forms of knowledge may enable responsible and future oriented management in practice focusing specifically on the role of reflexive experimentation and monitoring.
|Dignity for the Voiceless; Willem Assies's Anthropological Work in Context
Salman, T. ; Martí i Puig, S. ; Haar, G. van der - \ 2014
New York/Oxford : Berghahn (Cedla Latin America studies vol. 103) - ISBN 9781782382928
politieke bewegingen - sociale structuur - sociale antropologie - etnische groepen - etniciteit - politiek - overheidsbeleid - regering - beleid - andes - landbouw - inheemse volkeren - bolivia - peru - latijns-amerika - political movements - social structure - social anthropology - ethnic groups - ethnicity - politics - government policy - government - policy - andes - agriculture - indigenous people - bolivia - peru - latin america
In 2010, Willem Assies, an astute and prolific Latin Americanist and political anthropologist, died unexpectedly, at the age of 55. This book brings together some of his writings. Assies would always gave central stage to the collective and multi-layered actor and not the system — but he would constantly do so within the context of restrictions, pressures, conditioning factors and contradictions, to provide the actor with a real setting of operation.
Power and contingency in planning
Assche, K. van; Duineveld, M. ; Beunen, R. - \ 2014
Environment and Planning A 46 (2014). - ISSN 0308-518X - p. 2385 - 2400.
actor-network theory - urban - systems - governance - discourse - ideology - foucault - politics - deleuze - design
In this paper we analyse the role and reception of poststructuralist perspectives on power in planning since the 1990s, and then ask whether a renewed encounter with the works of poststructuralist theorists Foucault, Deleuze, and Luhmann could add something to the points that were already made. We make a distinction between the power of planning (the impact in society), power in planning (relations between players active in planning), and power on planning (the influence of broader society on the planning system), to refine the analysis of planning/power. It is argued that an interpretation of Deleuze, Luhmann, and Foucault, as thinkers of power in a theoretical framework that is based on the idea of contingency, can help to refine the analysis of power in planning. Planning then can be regarded as a system in other systems, with roles, values, procedures, and materialities in constant transformation, with the results of each operation serving as input for the next one. The different power relations constitute the possibilities, the forms, and the potential impact of planning.
Participation, politics and technology : agrarian development in post-neoliberal Bolivia
Córdoba Blandón, D.M. - \ 2014
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Paul Richards, co-promotor(en): Kees Jansen. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462570665 - 170
participatie - politiek - landbouwontwikkeling - technologie - plattelandsontwikkeling - staat - overheidsbeleid - liberalisme - politieke bewegingen - bolivia - participation - politics - agricultural development - technology - rural development - state - government policy - liberalism - political movements - bolivia
The election of Morales – an indigenous and cocalero leader – and his Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party became the most important political milestone in Bolivia’s recent history. The MAS promised to represent the most excluded sectors of the country, challenging the foundations of liberal democracy and the economic development model promoted during neoliberalism. This research analyses how did a highly politicized programme like that proposed by MAS in Bolivia come to implement rural development projects once in government? What are the differences between MAS proposal on participation and other visions of more technical and instrumental views on participation and rural development? Does MAS proposal on participation lead to alternative development or postneoliberal options? This thesis concludes that despite the MAS government’s efforts to politicize participation and agrarian development, in practice, and outside the heated moments of politically charged participation by social movements, the relationship between reaching technical efficiency and social justice is largely contingent; there is no one-to-one relationship between politics and technology. Concrete interventions in agrarian development have technical aspects where both versions of participation have to collaborate. This has brought contradictions within the MAS government as the necessity to work with the World Bank and implement participatory development to realize rural development interventions.
On the state of business: trade, entrepreneurship and real economic governance in South Sudan
Twijnstra, R.W. - \ 2014
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Thea Hilhorst, co-promotor(en): K. Titeca. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789461739971 - 196
economische ontwikkeling - ondernemerschap - handel - governance - economie - bedrijven - staatsorganisatie - onafhankelijkheid - politiek - zuid soedan - economic development - entrepreneurship - trade - governance - economics - businesses - state organization - independence - politics - south sudan
This thesis provides an insight into the everyday realities of economic life and regulation in the Republic of South Sudan for the period between 2010 and 2013, encompassing its independence from the Sudan in July 2011 and the period of economic austerity following the January 2012 oil shutdown . By looking at negotiation patterns between individuals and groups of traders, entrepreneurs, tax collectors and procurement officers from the local to the national level, this thesis explores how people within the state and people interacting with the state make sense of, contest and enact the state in this region that now comprises the world’s 193rd ,and therefore the youngest, internationally recognised independent country.
Theorising Age and Generation in Development: A Relational Approach
Huijsmans, R. ; George, S. ; Gigengack, R.A. ; Evers, S.J.T.M. - \ 2014
European Journal of Development Research 26 (2014)2. - ISSN 0957-8811 - p. 163 - 174.
youth transitions - child labor - migrants - politics
This introduction outlines the analytical approach informing the articles presented in this special issue. The project of ‘generationing’ development involves re-thinking development as distinctly generational in its dynamics. For this, we adopt a relational approach to the study of young people in development, which overcomes the limitations inherent to common categorising approaches. Concepts of age and generation are employed to conceptualise young people as social actors and life phases such as childhood and youth in relational terms. Acknowledging the centrality of young people in social reproduction puts them at the heart of development studies and leads the articles comprising this special issue to explore how young people’s agency shapes and is shaped by the changing terms of social reproduction brought about by development.
Forced Engagements: Water Security and Local Rights Formalization in Yanque, Colca Valley, Peru
Boelens, R.A. ; Seemann, M. - \ 2014
Human Organization 73 (2014)1. - ISSN 0018-7259 - p. 1 - 12.
climate-change - governance - politics - irrigation - community - bolivia - policy - andes - field
For vulnerable groups in society, water insecurity and deficient water availability for food production commonly reflect unequal distribution of water volumes, quality, and services within unequal power structures. Water security is necessarily a political dilemma. Policy debates, however, tend to naturalize and de-politicize this concept. Instead of recognizing that water security and distribution belong to the realm of human interests, choices, negotiation, and power plays, they are often represented as following universal economic, legal, and natural-scientific rules. In this context, there is a widespread policy assumption that formally recognizing local, customary water rights is one important element to grant water security for marginalized user groups. This paper challenges this assumption and examines the illustrative case of a Peruvian Andes community, Yanque. We scrutinize formalization policies that claim to enhance water security for marginalized communities regarding (1) material water allocation and (re) distribution and (2) water rulemaking, legitimate authority, and cultural-political organization-both elements that stand central in formalization processes. We discuss the complex relationship between formal and alternative "water securities" and the cultural politics of rights recognition and show that uncritical formalization of local water rights often leads to weakening rather than strengthening local water security.
Ecosystem-based marine management in European regional seas calls for nested governance structures and coordination—A policy brief
Raakjaer, J. ; Leeuwen, J. van; Tatenhove, J. van; Hadjimichael, M. - \ 2014
Marine Policy 50 (2014)part B. - ISSN 0308-597X - p. 373 - 381.
baltic sea - multilevel governance - framework - institutions - atlantic - politics - lessons - impact
Marine governance in European seas is at a crossroad aiming towards implementation of eco-system based marine management (EBMM) through integration of different EU policies or directives to protect the environment, while at the same time expected to facilitate growth and employment in support of the blue economy. This article shows that the governance landscape at the regional sea level is very complex, fragmented and faced with several dilemmas. It examines the present governance structures in the four European seas (Baltic, Black, and Mediterranean Seas and North East Atlantic Ocean). It is argued that the implementation of EBMM at the regional sea level is characterized by a highly fragmented European governance system where there is lack of coordination between relevant DGs within the European Commission, between EU, International organisations, Regional Sea Conventions and the Member States and between sectoral governance arrangements that should provide sectoral management measures that support EBMM. The article develops suggestions for a nested governance system in which institutions, policies, laws and sectors are nested into a tiered, internally consistent and mutually re-enforcing planning and decision-making system. Developing institutional interaction and soft modes of governance between the EU, the Regional Sea Conventions, Member States and the governance arrangements of the different marine sectors will be crucial in evolving towards such a nested governance system for EBMM. Moreover, there is no one size fits all approach in implementing EBMM, which means that for each European Sea a context-dependent nested governance system should be developed.
Social Networks of Corruption in the Vietnamese and Lao Cross-Border Timber Trade
To, P.X. ; Mahanty, S. ; Dressler, W.H. - \ 2014
Anthropological Forum : a journal of social anthropology and comparative sociology 24 (2014)2. - ISSN 0066-4677 - p. 154 - 174.
forest - politics
Although corruption is a core issue in discourses on Southeast Asian states and the region's illegal timber trade, its specific meanings, characteristics, and role are poorly understood. Our ethnographic study of corruption and timber trade in the lower Mekong uncovers the relationships, dealings, and networks that enable illegal timber flows. We follow the disputed case of a shipment of high-value timber that originated in Laos and was seized by Vietnamese seaport customs officials in 2011. By examining the actors involved and their efforts to obtain the release of the timber, we reveal the complex and networked nature of relationships from local to national levels that enable illicit rosewood trade from Laos to Vietnam and onward from Vietnamese ports. At the same time, interactions between timber traders and state officials highlight the recursive relationship between ‘private’ and ‘state’ actors, and the scope for mobility between these categories. Our analysis challenges the current international and national emphasis on law enforcement as a means to tackle illegal logging. Instead, policy would be better founded on a more holistic and nuanced understanding of the socio-political relationships that characterise and perpetuate corruption across these multiple scales.
Measurementality’ in biodiversity governance: knowledge, transparency, and the Intergovernmental Science–Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES)
Turnhout, E. ; Neves, K. ; Lijster, E.B. de - \ 2014
Environment and Planning A 46 (2014)3. - ISSN 0308-518X - p. 581 - 597.
environmental governance - interface - politics - accountability - conservation - information
Current policies and practices in biodiversity conservation have been increasingly influenced by neoliberal approaches since the 1990s. The authors focus on the principle of transparency as a self-proclaimed basis of neoliberal environmental governance, and on the role of standardized science-based measurements which it purportedly affords. The authors introduce the term ‘measurementality’ to signify the governance logic that emerges when transparency comes to stand next to effectiveness and efficiency as neoliberal principles and to highlight the connections that are forged between economic, managerial, and technocratic discourses. The example of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is used to discuss the role of measurementality in global biodiversity governance. The analysis suggests that IPBES aims to coordinate the science–policy interface in order to optimize the generation of user-friendly knowledge of those elements of biodiversity that are considered politically and economically relevant: at the current economic juncture, these being in essence ecosystem services. Based on these findings, the authors proceed by critically reflecting on the ways in which the measurementality logic of IPBES may not only result in an impoverishment of the biodiversity research agenda, but also in an impoverished understanding of biodiversity itself. To conclude, the authors argue that measurementality is part and parcel of the neoliberal paradigm in which science produces the raw materials for subsequent control and exchange and that, as a result, the intersection of science, discourse, policy, and economics within these governance systems requires sustained critical scrutiny.
Smart grids, information flows and emerging domestic energy practices
Naus, J. ; Spaargaren, G. ; Vliet, B.J.M. van; Horst, H.M. van der - \ 2014
Energy Policy 68 (2014). - ISSN 0301-4215 - p. 436 - 446.
sustainable consumption - policy - technology - governance - politics - monitors - systems
Smart energy grids and smart meters are commonly expected to promote more sustainable ways of living. This paper presents a conceptual framework for analysing the different ways in which smart grid developments shape – and are shaped by – the everyday lives of residents. Drawing upon theories of social practices and the concept of informational governance, the framework discerns three categories of ‘information flows’: flows between household-members, flows between households and energy service providers, and flows between local and distant households. Based on interviews with Dutch stakeholders and observations at workshops we examine, for all three information flows, the changes in domestic energy practices and the social relations they help to create. The analysis reveals that new information flows may not produce more sustainable practices in linear and predictable ways. Instead, changes are contextual and emergent. Second, new possibilities for information sharing between households open up a terrain for new practices. Third, information flows affect social relationships in ways as illustrated by the debates on consumer privacy in the Netherlands. An exclusive focus on privacy, however, deviates attention from opportunities for information disclosure by energy providers, and from the significance of transparency issues in redefining relationships both within and between households.
Three interwoven dimensions of natural resource use: Quantity, quality and access in the Great Limpopo transfrontier conservation area
Milgroom, J.M. ; Giller, K.E. ; Leeuwis, C. - \ 2014
Human Ecology 42 (2014)2. - ISSN 0300-7839 - p. 199 - 215.
southern africa - property - institutions - environment - management - community - politics - land
Quality and quantity of natural resources are often studied in isolation from access. We question the usefulness of this separation for resolving conflicts over natural resources and present an approach that facilitates a deeper understanding of natural resource use through a joint analysis of quantity of, quality of and access to resources. The approach was developed as part of an in-depth case study of resettlement in southern Mozambique in which newly resettled residents struggled to reestablish their livelihoods. We estimated the quality and quantity of, and investigated rules and norms of access to four key natural resources: water, agricultural fields, grazing, and forest resources in both pre- and post-resettlement. We then contrast this with the actual access that resettled residents gained to these resources in practice, what we call ‘accessing.’ Our analysis suggests that locally-specific, dynamic relationships among quality, quantity and access are critically important for understanding human-environment interactions and natural resource-based livelihoods.
Impacts of changes in mangrove forest management practices on forest accessibility and livelihood: A case study in mangrove-shrimp farming system in Ca Mau Province, Mekong Delta, Vietnam
Ha, T.T.P. ; Dijk, J.W.M. van; Visser, L.E. - \ 2014
Land Use Policy 36 (2014). - ISSN 0264-8377 - p. 89 - 101.
land - conservation - resources - northwest - politics - village - access - policy
This paper documents how the implementation of forest tenure policy affects the decision-making of farmers in mangrove-shrimp farming systems with regard to their access to and management of mangrove forest in Ca Mau, Mekong Delta, which is the largest remaining mangrove forest in Vietnam. Policies on land allocation, land tenure and use-rights are important since they potentially promote sustainable mangrove-shrimp management. Forest management policy in Vietnam has been changed to promote equality of benefit sharing among stakeholders and devolved State forest management to the household level. However, to what extent its implementation can stimulate both mangrove conservation and livelihood improvement is still being debated. We use access and its social mechanisms to investigate how State Forest Companies (FC) and farmers can benefit from mangrove exploitation. The study was conducted from September 2008 to August 2010 using both qualitative and quantitative methods and using a participatory approach. After group discussions and in-depth interviews with a wide range of stakeholders, we interviewed 86 households in four communities using structured questionnaires. Results show the imbalance in access to finance, markets, and differences in authority between the two actors, farmers and FC. The discussion focuses on the possibilities of “win–win” outcomes, i.e. land tenure regimes promoting the devolution of sustainable forest management to farm households to balance benefits of both mangrove conservation and livelihood improvement.
Disentangling the consensus frame of food security: the case of the EU Common Agricultural Policy reform debate
Candel, J.J.L. ; Breeman, G.E. ; Stiller, S.J. ; Termeer, C.J.A.M. - \ 2014
Food Policy 44 (2014). - ISSN 0306-9192 - p. 47 - 58.
ideas - discourse - institutions - perspective - politics - press - uk
This article addresses which food security frames can be identified in the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) post-2013 reform process, and which actors deploy particular food security frames. The concept of frames refers to relatively distinct and coherent sets of meaning attributed to a concept, such as food security. The article shows that in the European Union (EU) food security is a consensus frame which can be broken down in six conflicting and overlapping sub-frames and which has complicated the debates about the future of the CAP. We demonstrate that during the CAP-reform debates of 2009–2012 a variety of food security arguments were deployed by a broad range of stakeholders, who attached different meanings and made different claims about the relationship between the CAP and food security. Inductive frame analysis reveals that the consensus frame of food security can be broken down into six conflicting and overlapping sub-frames: (1) the productionist frame, (2) the environmental frame, (3) the development frame, (4) the free trade frame, (5) the regional frame, and (6) the food sovereignty frame. Each of these frames was invoked by a specific group of stakeholders, whereby the productionist and environmental frames were deployed most often. The European Commission, meanwhile, invoked various frames at the same time in its communications. As a result of these various framings of the relationship between the CAP and food security, a clear political vision on this relationship is lacking. We conclude that politicians and policymakers may need to develop a coherent vision on what food security entails, and on how the CAP could contribute to both European and global food security.
Floods, resettlement and land access and use in the lower Zambezi, Mozambique
Artur, L. ; Hilhorst, D. - \ 2014
Land Use Policy 36 (2014). - ISSN 0264-8377 - p. 361 - 368.
property-rights - politics - africa
Planned resettlement is increasingly legitimated on account of disasters and vulnerability to climate change. This article looks at resettlement following the 2007 floods in the delta Zambezi in Mozambique. The flooding displaced about 56,000 households, which the government intended to permanently resettle. Four years later the government resettlement program has been object of competing claims of success or failure. In this paper we step away from these entrenched positions. Resettlement, in our view, is an arena of multiple meanings and objectives, with differentiated outcomes for different categories of actors. The resettlement led to a reconfiguring of power relations and land-use. The paper analyses the resettlement policy as a continuation of a history of resettlement to enhance control and modernization of rural folks. It then demonstrates how local chiefs first resented resettlement as this would imply loss of territory-based power, yet moved to occupy elite locations and housing. Local families had differentiated responses depending on their capacities and aspiration to change to a modern lifestyle. Most families opt for a mixed lifestyle, by partly living in and adapting to the resettlement area, and partly retaining their old residence and way of life.
Sanitation policy and spatial planning in urban East Africa: Diverging sanitation spaces and actor arrangements in Kampala and Kisumu
Letema, S.C. ; Vliet, B.J.M. van; Lier, J.B. van - \ 2014
Cities 36 (2014). - ISSN 0264-2751 - p. 1 - 9.
institutional pluralism - water - politics - systems - uganda
This paper discusses sanitation policies and spatial planning in Kampala (Uganda) and Kisumu (Kenya) from colonial times to date and their implications for the sitting of sanitation technologies and involving actors. During colonial times, a strict spatial duality was maintained between immigrants in townships and natives in peri-urban areas, with a sanitary divide between them. Also currently, different urban spaces support different sanitation technologies provided by different actors. Actor arrangements are often viewed as a combination of public, private and voluntary sectors, but households should be considered part of the arrangement. Information on spaces and actor arrangements is imperative for location of sanitation technologies and rebalancing them with actor arrangements
Integrating multiple benefits in market-based climate mitigation schemes: The case of the Climate, Community and Biodiversity certification scheme
Melo Vasquez, I. ; Turnhout, E. ; Arts, B.J.M. - \ 2014
Environmental Science & Policy 35 (2014). - ISSN 1462-9011 - p. 49 - 56.
sustainable development - ecosystem services - neoliberalism - politics - state
This paper analyses the Climate, Community and Biodiversity (CCB) certification scheme with a particular focus on its aim to deliver multiple benefits and contribute not only to climate mitigation but also to biodiversity conservation and socio-economic development. To that end, the articles analyses the main storylines underpinning the CCB scheme. Our findings suggest that although the scheme is informed by notions of participation and poverty alleviation, it is dominated by a market orientation that focuses on trading environmental services, and by a technocratic logic that focuses on scientific standards to enable monitoring, centralized control and marketing. Drawing on these findings we argue that the dominance of market-based and technocratic storylines potentially threatens the capacity of the Climate Community and Biodiversity certification scheme to deliver multiple benefits in practice. The paper concludes by arguing for the importance of a more balanced debate about multiple benefits in climate mitigation projects
The promise of new institutionalism: explaining the absence of a World or United Nations Environment Organisation
Vijge, M.J. - \ 2013
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics 13 (2013)2. - ISSN 1567-9764 - p. 153 - 176.
governance - politics
In the past forty years, numerous proposals to improve the fragmented international environmental governance (IEG) system have been developed, many of which call for the establishment of an international environment organisation. Although governments and scholars agree that the system needs improvement, no such substantial reform has yet been undertaken. Based on the literature study and more than twenty interviews, this article explains the absence of an international environment organisation, using three theories of new institutionalism: historical, rational choice and discursive institutionalism. Through the notion of path dependency, historical institutionalism explains how the self-reinforcing cycle of a rather diffused development of the IEG system, characterised by incremental changes, has made the system more complicated and prevented substantial institutional change. Historical institutionalism also highlights power inequalities and lack of trust between nation-states, as well as turf wars between international organisations, as key explanatory factors hampering IEG reform. Rational choice institutionalism complements such explanations by showing how incremental institutional changes that do not add up to substantial reform are the result of the fact that neither nation-states nor international organisations are interested in establishing a powerful environment organisation that might encroach upon their sovereignty. Finally, discursive institutionalism suggests that the norm to do at least something to improve the IEG system has prompted nation-states to create ‘‘symbolic’’ institutions. The concept of socialisation helps to explain why incremental institutional developments within the UN system are more likely than substantial reform. The article shows that new institutionalism theories complement rather than contradict one another, resulting in a more holistic explanation of lack of IEG reform.
Disaster, Conflict and Society in Crisis : Everyday Politics of Crisis Response
Hilhorst, D. - \ 2013
London : Routledge (Routledge humanitarian studies series ) - ISBN 9780415640817 - 304
rampen - humanitaire hulp - conflict - crises - natuurrampen - politieke conflicten - conflictmanagement - noodhulp - politiek - peace building - wereld - disasters - humanitarian aid - conflict - crises - natural disasters - political conflicts - conflict management - emergency relief - politics - peacebuilding - world
Humanitarian crises are usually perceived as a complete break from normality, spurring special emergency policies and interventions. In reality, there are many continuities and discontinuities between crisis and normality. What does this mean for our understanding of politics, aid, and local institutions during crises? This book, first in the new Routledge Humanitarian Studies Series, examines this question from a sociological perspective. It provides a qualitative inquiry into the social and political dynamics of local institutional response, international policy and aid interventions in crises caused by conflict or natural disaster.
Political ecology in the oil palm-based cropping system on the Adja plateau in Benin: connecting soil fertility and land tenure
Yemadje, H.R.M. - \ 2013
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Thomas Kuijper; R. Mongbo; D.K. Kossou, co-promotor(en): Todd Crane. - Wageningen : Wageningen UR - ISBN 9789461737557 - 111
teeltsystemen - oliepalmen - ecologie - politiek - bodemvruchtbaarheid - pachtstelsel - innovaties - landhervorming - sociale verandering - intensivering - agroforestry - benin - cropping systems - oil palms - ecology - politics - soil fertility - tenure systems - innovations - land reform - social change - intensification - agroforestry - benin
Keywords: Innovation system, Soil fertility management, Land reform, Participatory technology development, Social change, Agroforestry, Land access rights, Fallow, Agricultural intensification, Africa
On the Adja plateau (West Benin), multiple actors are involved in an intercropping system with oil palm and food crops. This system is known as the oil palm-based cropping system (OPBCS). It contains two stages: a stage of small oil palms underneath which food crops are grown and a fallow stage with mature oil palm. Landowners grow oil palm mainly for the artisanal production of palm wine and sodabi, rather than for palm oil, for which the region is unsuitable for climatological reasons. The OPBCS has to be analysed not only from a technical and ecological perspective, but also from an institutional one. In the OPBCS there are competing claims between landowners and tenants for land use. Tenants access land under specific customary rules, grow food crops beneath oil palm and extend the cropping period by severely pruning palms because their right to grow food crops terminates when the palms reach a height of 2 m. Landowners claim that extended cropping reduces soil fertility and that long-duration oil palm fallows are necessary for soil fertility regeneration. Tenants state that long-duration fallow maintains land scarcity. In an attempt to remedy the competing claims, a land titling programme was implemented in some villages on the Adja plateau.
I analysed the system with a political ecology lens. I demonstrated the implications of the multiple institutions for land access and ownership, and therefore for the competing claims. Land titling initially created land insecurity for tenants, as they were thrown off the land by owners who wanted to demonstrate ownership. Subsequently, new rules related to land access by tenants were introduced. Both ownership and access by tenants relied on a different mix of formal and informal practices, as evidenced by formal contracts, petits papiers and a new paper contract. The new paper contract provides tenants the rights to rent the land for up to 25 years. The titling programme also enhanced on-going processes of intensification and commercialisation, as evidenced by increased use of mineral fertiliser and the regression of the OPBCS. The long-duration fallow periods did not improve biological and chemical soil fertility. Long-duration fallows are rather used as an expression of control over land. Mineral fertiliser and organic amendments (household waste) explain lack of effects of fallowing. Application of household waste and mineral fertiliser did not change soil organic matter content. Organic amendments increased maize yields more than mineral fertiliser. Household waste did not improve agronomic use efficiency of mineral fertiliser.
I suggest that formal and customary land tenure institutions can be blended to generate a hybrid system. Such a hybrid system might contribute to sustainable soil fertility management.
Bovine biopolitics and the promise of monsters in the rewilding of Heck cattle
Lorimer, J. ; Driessen, C.P.G. - \ 2013
Geoforum 48 (2013)8. - ISSN 0016-7185 - p. 249 - 259.
nature conservation - livestock - politics - wolf - life - technologies - biosecurity - management - openness - science
In the early 1980s the Dutch ecologist Frans Vera began an ambitious ecological restoration experiment on a polder in the Netherlands. He introduced herds of ‘back-bred’ Heck cattle and other large herbivores and encouraged them to ‘de-domesticate’ themselves and ‘rewild’ the landscape they inhabit. His intervention has triggered a great deal of interest and controversy. It is being replicated and adapted across Europe as part of a wider interest in ‘rewilding’ in nature conservation. This innovative approach rubs up against powerful and prevalent practices of environmental management. This paper examines these frictions by mapping the character and exploring the interface between different modes of nonhuman biopolitics – in this case the powerful ways in which modern humans live with and govern cattle. Focusing on the story of Heck cattle and the bovine biopolitics of their rewilding it attends in particular to the character, place and promise of monsters. It first outlines a conceptual framework for examining nonhuman biopolitics and teratology (the study of monsters), identifying fertile tensions between the work of Haraway, Derrida and Deleuze. It then provides a typology of four prevalent modes of bovine biopolitics – namely agriculture, conservation, welfare and biosecurity – and their associated monsters. This paper identifies rewilding as a fifth mode and examines frictions at its interfaces with the other four. Developing the conceptual framework the paper examines what these frictions tell us about the understandings of life that circulate in the ontological politics of contemporary environmentalisms. In conclusion the paper critically examines the monstrous promise of rewilding, in relation to tensions between the convivial aspirations of Haraway and Deleuze.
Witchcraft Beliefs and Witch Hunts
Koning, N.B.J. - \ 2013
Human Nature-An Interdisciplinary Biosocial Perspective 24 (2013)2. - ISSN 1045-6767 - p. 158 - 181.
sub-saharan africa - human amygdala - facial expressions - civil-society - voodoo death - politics - dynamics - wealth - fear - cooperation
This paper proposes an interdisciplinary explanation of the cross-cultural similarities and evolutionary patterns of witchcraft beliefs. It argues that human social dilemmas have led to the evolution of a fear system that is sensitive to signs of deceit and envy. This was adapted in the evolutionary environment of small foraging bands but became overstimulated by the consequences of the Agricultural Revolution, leading to witch paranoia. State formation, civilization, and economic development abated the fear of witches and replaced it in part with more collectivist forms of social paranoia. However, demographic-economic crises could rekindle fear of witches —resulting, for example, in the witch craze of early modern Europe. The Industrial Revolution broke the Malthusian shackles, but modern economic growth requires agricultural development as a starting point. In sub-Saharan Africa, witch paranoia has resurged because the conditions for agricultural development are lacking, leading to fighting for opportunities and an erosion of intergenerational reciprocity
Partnerships and Sustainable Development: the Lessons Learned from International Biodiversity Governance
Visseren-Hamakers, I.J. - \ 2013
Environmental Policy and Governance 23 (2013)3. - ISSN 1756-932X - p. 145 - 160.
private governance - organizations - regimes - politics - state
Over the past decade, partnerships have increasingly become a popular governance instrument for sustainable development. This article aims to improve our understanding of this instrument, and its contributions to and consequences for international sustainable development politics, by providing the lessons learned from international biodiversity governance. The article analyses 24 international partnerships working on forests, fisheries, conservation and climate change, using perspectives based on regime, governance and partnership literature. It concludes that the contribution of the partnerships should be evaluated as varying: only seven ’gems’ of partnerships fulfil important governance functions; the others play less paramount roles. Partnerships have, however, contributed to the ongoing change in the manner in which biodiversity is governed, namely the institutionalization of intersectoral governance. The article promotes a more strategic use of the partnership instrument, taking into account its opportunities and limitations, to strengthen its contributions to international sustainable development. Copyright. Keywords: certification; effectiveness; governance; interaction; partnership; regime.
Framing scale increase in Dutch agricultural policy 1950–2012
Lieshout, M. van; Dewulf, A. ; Aarts, N. ; Termeer, C.J.A.M. - \ 2013
NJAS Wageningen Journal of Life Sciences 64-65 (2013). - ISSN 1573-5214 - p. 35 - 46.
politics - netherlands - paradigm - debate - frames - state - risk
In this paper, we study how agricultural policy, and particularly how scale increase, has been framed by the responsible ministers over the last six decades. We analyse the different interpretations attached to scale increase and other policy issues, in a longitudinal study of the memoranda accompanying the yearly national budget for the Ministry of Agriculture. Our analysis provides a nuanced explanation for the continuous use of the contested concept of scale increase. We show that the framing of Dutch agricultural policy has undergone considerable changes regarding issues and solutions, the role of international policy and issues from other policy domains. We find that the policy and the policy frames have become more diverse, interdependencies have increased and as a result policy has become more complex and self-referential. Part of our findings can be explained as the occurrence of a paradigm shift. However this does not explain the continuous presence of the logic of scale increase as the way forward for Dutch agriculture. We state that the self-referential agricultural policy system has aimed to continuously improve itself by means of scale increase, without discussing or critically reflecting on the functioning of the system itself. In this process language played a powerful role: changing the language helped to maintain the existing system or paradigm in which scale increase is continuously positively framed as the solution for Dutch agriculture.
Social Movements and Risk Perception: Unions, Churches, Pesticides and Bananas in Costa Rica
Barraza-Ruiz, D.A. ; Jansen, K. ; Wendel de Joode, B. van; Wesseling, C. - \ 2013
International Journal of Occupational and Environmental Health 19 (2013)1. - ISSN 1077-3525 - p. 11 - 21.
governance - politics - workers - africa - rights - state
Background: Between 1992 and 2010 in the Costa Rican Caribbean, a social movement coalition called Foro Emaús sought to change people’s view on problems of high pesticide use in banana production. Objective: To understand the formation and membership of Foro Emaús, its success period, and its decline. Methods: Semi-structured interviews of 28 key actors; a questionnaire survey among school personnel (n = 475) in Siquirres, Matina, and Talamanca counties; and secondary data from newspapers, leaflets, and movement documents were used. Results: Foro Emaús developed activism around pesticide issues and put pressure on governmental agencies and banana companies and shaped people’s perception of pesticide risks. The success of the Foro Emaús movement led to the reinforcement of a counteracting social movement (Solidarismo) by conservative sectors of the Catholic Church and the banana companies. We found that the participation of unions in Foro Emaús is an early example of social movement unionism. Conclusions: Scientific pesticide risk analysis is not the only force that shapes emerging societal perceptions of pesticide risk. Social movements influence the priority given to particular risks and can be crucial in putting health and environmental risk issues on the political and research agenda.
Carbon flows, carbon markets, and low-carbon lifestyles: reflecting on the role of markets in climate governance
Spaargaren, G. ; Mol, A.P.J. - \ 2013
Environmental Politics 22 (2013)1. - ISSN 0964-4016 - p. 174 - 193.
ecological modernization - sustainable consumption - governance - environment - modernity - politics
The role of carbon markets in governing global carbon flows triggers substantial debates among policymakers, social movements and social scientists. The present debate on carbon markets is different from the earlier debate on market-based instruments in environmental politics. Carbon markets represent both more radical and more risky forms of governing global carbon flows, as illustrated by an analysis of both regulatory and voluntary carbon markets operating on the global and personal level. To make use of their environmental potential and to prevent them from generating perverse consequences, carbon markets are to be regulated by state, market and civil society authorities. Embedding carbon markets in civil society means connecting carbon flows to the households and the lifestyles of citizen-consumers in a direct and meaningful manner, which can increase legitimacy and foreground climate change politics among citizen-consumers.