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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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    Panama disease in banana and neoliberal governance: towards a political ecology of risk
    Cruz, Jaye de la - \ 2017
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): P. Macnaghten, co-promotor(en): K. Jansen. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789463437967 - 118
    bananas - musa - Fusarium oxysporum f.sp. cubense - governance - innovations - politics - bananen - musa - fusarium - governance - innovaties - politiek

    The emergence of Panama disease Tropical Race 4 (Fusarium oxysporum f.sp. cubense) or TR4 – a fungal disease in banana that is considered by horticulture experts as not only one of the most destructive diseases in the world (Ploetz 1994) but one with no on-hand socio-cultural or chemical method to control it satisfactorily (Ploetz 2015) – has generated conversations, dialogue, inquiry and at times controversy, on how this risk is to be managed.

    The onslaught of Tropical Race 1 (TR1) in the 1900s, destroying many banana plantations in Latin America and the Caribbean, provided a lens by which the political economy of Latin America can be examined. Much, however, has changed in global political economy configurations between the 1900s and today. Confronted once more with the disease in contemporary settings, we are provided with an opportunity, and a context within which, to reflect on the ways by which societies, governments and peoples work to address the disease and mitigate its threats in a new time-space constellation. The rise of globalisation and the neoliberal model have ushered in profound changes within the last three decades – changes that have driven social and political processes on multiple scales of governance, and have influenced relationships, behaviours, ways of life and perceptions. This research, therefore, asks the central question: Do features of neoliberal governance influence risk perceptions and decision-making on Panama disease, and if so, in what ways?

    This research draws from political ecology as a framework to analyse how political and economic relationships impact on people’s understandings of risk in the context of a phenomenon that has ecological or bio-physical roots. At the heart of the thesis lies the central matter of risk politics: that risk decisions – focusing in particular on what risks matter, who decides, who should be exposed to what, and to what degree – are both an effect of power and an exercise of power.

    The thesis is based on a multi-site and multi-scale study consisting of two in-depth case studies – one conducted in the Philippines, the other in Australia – alongside expert interviews conducted in Kampala (Uganda), Rome (Italy), Wageningen (the Netherlands) and Florida (USA). The research is multi-scale in that three different scales of interaction are examined: at the global scale, as situated in the discourse and practice of international governing bodies; at the national scale, by studying the rules and laws in countries which have had experience of Panama disease, and by examining how biosecurity responses have been shaped in the context of a national policy of privatised agriculture; and at the local scale, where agrarian dynamics between small-holder farmers and large corporations are studied. The research is designed not to compare contexts with each other, but to provide illustrative snapshots of the many ways that risk can be shaped by its social milieu.

    The first Chapter of this dissertation looks at how the risk of Panama disease is evaluated by international regulatory bodies and actors in global governance networks such as the International Plant Protection Convention (IPPC) within the Food and Agriculture Organisation, and examines the contestations that underlie the question of whether or not Panama disease control and management constitute a Global Public Good. It has been found with clarity that adherence to free trade principles influence and constrain the ways by which international organizations perceive the risk of, and how they address, this transnational plant disease.

    The second Chapter, based on field work in the southern part of the Philippines where a Panama disease infestation has been confirmed and where social relations in rural livelihoods are characterized by a contentious agrarian history, investigates how asymmetric binary relationships between the social actors in a contract growership arrangement -- specifically large banana corporations and smallholder farmers -- influence the possibilities and limitations of disease control.

    The third Chapter demonstrates, using the example of Australia, important limitations in the neoliberal ‘user-pays’ model in its ability to address emergency plant disease outbreaks, particularly when swift rule-making and rule-enforcing powers of the state are necessary. While the shared responsibility approach can keep the wheels grinding in a business-as-usual context, within a rapidly-evolving epidemiological emergency, the terms of engagement between government and industry need to be recast.

    The fourth Chapter examines the issue of genetic modification – bannered by some scientists as the only or at least the most plausible solution to the urgent problem of Panama disease – and the current state of the global regulatory framework on bio-safety. Developing countries with confirmed Panama disease infestations (Philippines, Indonesia, Jordan, Mozambique and Pakistan) were used as units of analysis. Using tools of legal text analysis, a comparison is made between the National Reports of the countries to the Bio-Safety Clearing House of the Cartagena Protocol on Bio-Safety and international commitments to the IPPC, World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the Cartagena Protocol. This chapter challenges the notion of a ‘uniform science’ and finds that while individual countries ostensibly accept that science, or scientific knowledge, can be used as a unifying framework to consolidate multiple appreciations of risk and divergent approaches in addressing and confronting it, a perusal of their domestic legislation shows contradictions between what was committed in international platforms, and what is implemented domestically. Contrary to the purely scientific standards upheld by the IPPC and the WTO, socio-economic risks and cultural considerations have been found within domestic legislation.

    Drawing from these chapters, this research proposes that neoliberalism influences Panama disease strategies in at least three ways: one, through the organisation and harmonisation of systems of behaviour, practices and legislation; two, through the promotion of its narratives and the marginalisation of counter-narratives; and three, through the endorsement of tools that support its agenda.

    Firstly, neoliberalism organises and harmonises systems of behaviour, practices and legislation so that it conforms with its own logic and processes. An intuitive abhorrence of protectionism results in the perception that plant health measures that may result in trade barriers are inherently suspect, and thus should be avoided, except in the most exigent of circumstances. The international regulatory system has been substantially re-written so that even collective action becomes increasingly hard to be mobilized, and that international support cannot be activated without the imprimatur of the International Plant Protection Convention, given fears that such action might constitute the basis for future trade restriction. Through adherence to neoliberal principles, the global system has been in effect re-engineered in such a way as to limit the latitude and capacity of countries to identify and designate what they believe to be a risk, as a pluralistic interpretation of risk can be defined as constituting protectionism. Science and scientific knowledge are deployed not in furtherance of the wider considerations of plant health, but to ensure that considerations of plant health keep ‘within limits’ and do not cross over to impinge on borderless international trade.

    Secondly, neoliberalism influences plant disease strategies through the propagation of a dominant narrative that protects its interests and the marginalization of counter-narratives that challenge its own dominant narrative. A narrative that blames smallholder farmers for Panama disease reinforces the trope on the unsustainability of smallholder agriculture and the lack of capacity of smallholder farmers. In contrast, a narrative that blames large companies or corporations for the spread of the disease is one that challenges the wisdom of corporate agriculture, and one that may have the consequence of state regulation of corporations, which contradicts the ideological core of neoliberalism: that the market must remain unhampered and unencumbered by strong state intervention.

    Thirdly, neoliberalism influences Panama disease measures through the endorsement of tools against the disease that are consistent with its agenda. The research surfaces the aggressive promotion of biotechnology as the only solution – or the ‘silver bullet’ to the possible extermination of Cavendish bananas because of Panama disease, and the endorsement of a biotechnology-permissive global regulatory regime. Neoliberalism did not create Panama disease, nor are proponents of genetic modification always driven by market compulsions, but neoliberal globalism has been shown, for instance through predatory patenting schemes, to reinforce and exacerbate the tendencies of the ‘biotechnology revolution’ to cause social polarisation.

    In sum, neoliberalism influences Panama disease strategies by framing risk ­– by managing and controlling how the risk of Panama disease is perceived, measured and decided upon by social actors. Its framing of risk is negotiable, malleable and contingent on what the system needs at a given time. This research concludes that neoliberalism has the effect of instrumentalising risk by deploying it as a tool that is used to protect the dominance of its ideology. The framing of risk – the answers to the fundamental questions of what risks matter, who decides, who should be exposed to what, and to what degree – is, indeed, an exercise of power. But at the same time, it is done to protect accumulated power, and in the course of this research, I strove to demonstrate, using the example of Panama disease, the precise ways by which neoliberalism has exercised its power in multiple levels of governance and within social relations of production to frame plant disease risk to its strategic advantage.

    The urgent imperative, therefore, is to continue asserting a global counter-narrative: one that pushes plant disease protection as a global public good, one that speaks to heterogeneous understandings of risk and does not require a uniform notion of science to confer legitimacy to varying standards of protection and, most importantly, one that puts the marginalised and the disproportionate risk burdens that they bear at the centre of the discourse.

    Methodology for the case studies
    Smits, M.J.W. ; Woltjer, G.B. - \ 2017
    EU (Circular impacts ) - 19
    economics - cycling - projects - renewable energy - recycling - sustainability - durability - politics - policy - environment - economie - kringlopen - projecten - hernieuwbare energie - recycling - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - duurzaamheid (durability) - politiek - beleid - milieu
    This document is about the methodology and selection of the case studies. It is meant as a guideline for the case studies, and together with the other reports in this work package can be a source of inform ation for policy officers, interest groups and researchers evaluating or performing impact assessments of circular economy policies or specific circular economy projects. The methodology was developed to ensure that the case studies focus on the overall im pacts of the circular economy. The frame of the methodology is a s tep - by - step approach, which will be described in section s 3 and 4 of this document. In section 2 we describe the selection of the case studies.
    The politics of environmental knowledge
    Turnhout, E. - \ 2016
    Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462573796 - 20
    milieuwetenschappen - milieu - kennis - biodiversiteit - ecosysteemdiensten - natuurbescherming - politiek - environmental sciences - environment - knowledge - biodiversity - ecosystem services - nature conservation - politics
    Brexit : verkenning van de gevolgen voor de Nederlandse agrosector
    Berkum, S. van; Terluin, I.J. - \ 2016
    Den Haag : LEI Wageningen UR - ISBN 9789086157334 - 35
    european union - european union countries - great britain - politics - economic situation - agricultural sector - international trade - tariffs - netherlands - europese unie - landen van de europese unie - groot-brittannië - politiek - economische situatie - landbouwsector - internationale handel - tarieven - nederland
    This study explores the possible consequences of a Brexit for Dutch agrifood chains. The UK is assumed to apply zero or low import tariffs for agricultural products. Whether that impacts Dutch exports, depends on the sector’s competitiveness. The Dutch agrifood sector, though, benefits from the UK’s vicinity and the sector’s efficient organisation of logistics, in particular for fresh products (such as cut flowers, vegetable, fruit, dairy and meat), which provide the sector a strong point of departure to maintain current positions at the British market after a Brexit.
    Seeds, food networks and politics: different ontologies in relation to food sovereignty in Ecuador
    Martinez Flores, L.A. - \ 2015
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Guido Ruivenkamp; Han Wiskerke, co-promotor(en): Joost Jongerden. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462574908 - 194
    voedselsoevereiniteit - landbouw bedrijven in het klein - gemeenschappen - voedsel - netwerken - ontologieën - zaden - politiek - lupinus - voedselketens - landbouwbeleid - overheidsbeleid - etnografie - andes - ecuador - food sovereignty - peasant farming - communities - food - networks - ontologies - seeds - politics - lupinus - food chains - agricultural policy - government policy - ethnography - andes - ecuador

    Abstract

    In this thesis I explore the ontological proposal of food sovereignty and I discuss the possibilities offered by studies like this one to the attempts of the social sciences to explain – in a symmetrical fashion - that develop between humans and other entities at the time of production, processing and consumption of food. In this effort I combine ethnography and history.

    I argue that in countries like Ecuador, food networks such as that of the lupine, Lupino mutabilis Sweet, since they do not establish ontological differences between nature and culture, promote the implementation of food sovereignty in practice, as long as agricultural and science and technology (S&T) policies enable the autonomous development of such networks. More specifically, food networks in the Andean highlands have functioned in a rhizomatic way, without establishing hierarchies between entities of different ontology: foods as goods or foods as gifts, society and nature, and have spread without discontinuities between town and country. This analysis enables me to show that these networks can promote food sovereignty, because in them is condensed an ontology distinct from that of modernity with regard to the cultivation, processing and consumption of food. Considering these findings I analyse the rationality of S&T policies and the current policies of the Ecuadorian State. I argue that such policies go against the logic of food networks. Food sovereignty is an achievable goal if Ecuadorian government policies contribute to the strengthening of food networks, creating new links so that they can sidestep the agribusiness model.

    The organisation of this thesis is unusual, as the object of study is a food network. This forced me to research and structure this dissertation in a particular way. So, I start with the ethnographic explanation of a food network. Here I analyse its operation, relationships and the paths it establishes. From this analysis it is possible to understand why S&T policies, specifically those related to plant breeding, created new social relations that affected the food networks of the highlands. I show here how the modern rationality on which agricultural policies are based inhibits the growth of food networks and works against food sovereignty. Then, from the analysis of the formation of the food sovereignty network, I examine the introduction of the food sovereignty proposal into the Ecuadorian Constitution and the changes made to the original proposal. I show how the translation of the Via Campesina proposal present in the constitution and the subsequent law is possible due to the intervention of actors linked with the big businesses of the food trade. All this enables me, finally, to discuss my contribution: the analysis of the ontological promise present in the food sovereignty proposal.

    Tourism Encounters and Controversies: Ontological Politics of Tourism Development
    Jóhannesson, G.T. ; Ren, C. ; Duim, V.R. van der - \ 2015
    London : Taylor & Francis (New Directions in Tourism Analysis ) - ISBN 9781472424365 - 247
    toerisme - ontwikkeling van toerisme - toerismebeleid - politiek - actor-network theorie - ondernemerschap - tourism - tourism development - tourism policy - politics - actor-network theory - entrepreneurship
    The multiplicity of tourism encounters provide some of the best available occasions to observe the social world and its making(s). Focusing on ontological politics of tourism development, this book examines how different versions of tourism are enacted, how encounters between different versions of tourism orderings may result in controversies, but also on how these enactments and encounters are entangled in multiple ways to broader areas of development, conservation, policy and destination management. Throughout the book, encounters and controversies are investigated from a poststructuralist and relational approach as complex and emerging, seeing the roles and characteristics of related actors as co-constituted. Inspired by post-actor-network theory and related research, the studies include the social as well as the material, but also multiplicity and ontological politics when examining controversial matters or events.
    Water, Power and Identity. The cultural politics of water in the Andes
    Boelens, R.A. - \ 2015
    New York : Earthscan (Earthscan Studies in Water Resource Management ) - ISBN 9780415719186 - 365
    waterrechten - waterbeleid - watervoorraden - hulpbronnenbeheer - governance - politiek - water - andes - water rights - water policy - water resources - resource management - governance - politics - water - andes
    This book addresses two major issues in natural resource management and political ecology: the complex conflicting relationship between communities managing water on the ground and national/global policy-making institutions and elites; and how grassroots defend against encroachment, question the self-evidence of State-/market-based water governance, and confront coercive and participatory boundary policing ('normal' vs. 'abnormal'). The book examines grassroots building of multi-layered water-rights territories, and State, market and expert networks' vigorous efforts to reshape these water societies in their own image - seizing resources and/or aligning users, identities and rights systems within dominant frameworks. Distributive and cultural politics entwine. It is shown that attempts to modernize and normalize users through universalized water culture, 'rational water use' and de-politicized interventions deepen water security problems rather than alleviating them. However, social struggles negotiate and enforce water rights. User collectives challenge imposed water rights and identities, constructing new ones to strategically acquire water control autonomy and re-moralize their waterscapes. The author shows that battles for material control include the right to culturally define and politically organize water rights and territories.
    Action research for climate change adaptation : Developing and applying knowledge for governance
    Buuren, A. van; Eshuis, J. ; Vliet, M. van - \ 2015
    London : Routledge (Routledge advances in climate change research ) - ISBN 9781138017603 - 198
    klimaatverandering - actieonderzoek - governance - klimaatadaptatie - kennis - politiek - wereld - climatic change - action research - governance - climate adaptation - knowledge - politics - world
    Governments all over the world are struggling with the question of how to adapt to climate change. They need information not only about the issue and its possible consequences, but also about feasible governance strategies and instruments to combat it. At the same time, scientists from different social disciplines are trying to understand the dynamics and peculiarities of the governance of climate change adaptation. This book demonstrates how action-oriented research methods can be used to satisfy the need for both policy-relevant information and scientific knowledge. Bringing together eight case studies that show inspiring practices of action research from around the world, including Australia, Denmark, Vietnam and the Netherlands, the book covers a rich variety of action-research applications, running from participatory observation to serious games and role-playing exercises. It explores many adaptation challenges, from flood-risk safety to heat stress and freshwater availability, and draws out valuable lessons about the conditions that make action research successful, demonstrating how scientific and academic knowledge can be used in a practical context to reach useful and applicable insights. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of climate change, environmental policy, politics and governance.
    Paradoxale modernisering : Ede, 1945-1995: groot geworden, herkenbaar gebleven
    Bloembergen-Lukkes, J.R. - \ 2014
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Pim Kooij, co-promotor(en): Anton Schuurman. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462571433 - 365
    geschiedenis - modernisering - politiek - economie - demografie - cultuur - onderwijs - migratie - ruimtelijke ordening - sociologie van vrijetijdsbesteding - lokale geschiedenis - veluwe - nederland - history - modernization - politics - economics - demography - culture - education - migration - physical planning - sociology of leisure - local history - veluwe - netherlands

    Summary

    Paradoxical Modernization

    Ede, 1945-1995: Grew big, remained recognizable

    After the Second World War, like many other municipalities in the Netherlands and elsewhere in the Western World, Ede experienced a period of rapid economic and population growth, of mobility, increase in scale, urbanization, better education, professionalization, individualization and democratization. Developments that may be summarized in the word modernization. I wondered if modernization is an exogenous process and did it more or less just happen, or is it a planned process or something in between. I decided that the best way to answer these questions was not to study the modernization process on a national level, but on a local level. There I hoped to find the answer on the question what possibilities people have to define their own community.

    I choose the municipality of Ede as my case study for the next reasons. After 1945, the Ede municipal executive opted for growth: economic, population and employment growth. In 1962, the municipal executive formulated a goal to welcome its 100,000 resident by the year 2000, which represented a doubling of the population since the end of the war. Ede was to be transformed into the city of Ede. This milestone of 100,000 inhabitants was reached as early as 1996, 60,000 of whom lived in Ede town. In order to achieve this goal, action was needed on several fronts. The rapid growth achieved was not the result of a policy plan handed down by central government. Ede was not one of the designated development areas. Ede was not regarded as an underdeveloped area requiring a top- down targeted approach for accelerated industrialization and modernization. On the other hand, in 1945, Ede was still clearly a rural community and the town centre clearly showed characteristics of a village society. So the rapid growth meant changes in different policy sectors.

    Ede easily attracted new residents and employment opportunities as a result of its strategic location in the middle of the Netherlands, its good infrastructure and sufficient space. What it did need, however, was the development of housing estates and industrial estates including the necessary infrastructure and the development and expansion of, for example, education facilities and leisure amenities. In a predominantly Protestant community, this raised questions about the persuasion of these types of amenities and led to debates on, if actually desirable, the type of socio-cultural policy most appropriate for local government. Rapid expansion of a community may be perceived as a threat to the characteristics of that society. This question made Ede an extra interesting subject for research. In the case of Ede it was justifiable to assume that tensions would have arisen between the rural and urban ambitions and between Christian and secular developments. The municipal authority is involved in the developments and decision-making process relating to all the elements of the public domain, which is why it was chosen as the focus for this research.

    The policy decisions required in the different areas to facilitate growth are by their nature intertwined. The construction of housing estates and business premises conflict with the interests of the agricultural sector and nature conservation. The arrival of new residents can change the social, political and religious composition of the population, resulting in consequences for how society is organized and for the future local political constellation and vice versa. Every decision must take what has occurred in other areas into account and will, in turn, have consequences for adjacent domains. For these reasons a choice was made for modernization as theoretical concept. Chapter one contains a historiographical discussion of this concept and an elaboration of how this concept has been applied to this research. In line with Schuyt and Taverne, I have chosen not to provide modernization in advance with a specific interpretation by adding ‘controlled’, ‘contested’ or ‘reflexive’. For the research, four policy areas have been selected for further investigation: spatial planning, education, guest workers/migrants and leisure facilities. As an introduction to the chapters on the developments in Ede, chapter two contains a broad outline of the national developments in which the local developments took place. Subsequently, in chapter three I discuss the way in which the modernization process was made visible in the composition of the municipal executive, including its chairpersons over a period of fifty years. Politicians not only partly determine which choices are made in the modernization process, but are also subject to this process themselves both at party and individual level. In this sense, through its decisions the political establishment in no small way contributes to determining its own future and, in turn, the composition of the municipal council and executive. The choices for more or

    less growth, for public-authority or private-authority schools , for providing public amenities or not, et cetera influence who will choose Ede as a place of residence and work. In this way, secularization manifests itself in changes in the population composition and the demand for specific amenities, as well as at the level of the political composition of the municipal council and the individual councillors. As a result of the population growth, by 1966 the newcomers held the majority of the seats on the council. However, the original population of Ede managed to control the executive positions for much longer. Democratization, individualization and secularization led to an increase in the number of political parties represented on the council and enhanced pluralism. Compared to politics at national level, both women’s emancipation and the professionalization of councillors clearly had a delayed start. As was the case at national level the larger parties lost ground, although the SGP (Reformed Political Party) formed an exception in Ede.

    The main theme of chapter four is spatial planning. Ede has profited considerably from the migration of residents and employment opportunities from the Randstad. Ede’s central location put it in a strategic position to benefit from national developments on spatial planning. The size of the municipality ̶ Ede being one of the largest in the Netherlands ̶ , the good infrastructure and the presence of the Veluwe National Park made Ede a popular place of residence and business. This remained the case even after, from the start of the 1960s, the provincial and national governments tried to curb the drift to Ede. As a result of its many qualities, Ede was able to achieve its growth ambitions and disregard the limiting measures imposed by higher government levels. In relation to nature conservation, Ede stayed more in line because the municipal executive regarded the Veluwe National Park as one of the attractive aspects of living in Ede. In respect to agriculture, the municipal executive chose for, on the one hand, an uncompromising policy to develop housing and business premises at the expense of farmland, while, on the other hand, applying a non-interference policy for the agricultural sector and business operations. Both small farmers and the strong growth in intensive animal husbandry could count on an accommodating local government. It was the national government which, as a result of the high levels of environmental pollution, designated the Gelderland Valley as a Spatial Planning and Environment area (ensuring spatial planning was combined with the environmental aspects). This, in turn, forced the municipal authority to impose regulatory measures on the agricultural sector in its spatial planning policies.

    The policy choices in relation to the educational facilities are discussed in chapter five. What is conspicuous here is the clear commitment on the part of the Christian political parties to maintain the Christian character of the education. In the 1950s, this commitment could also count on the support of the Christian councillors representing the PvdA (Labour Party). It was not until the early 1960s that all the PvdA councillors supported the VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) in its struggle

    to increase the number of public-authority schools. In the meantime, Protestant Ede had managed, under the leadership of the ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) aldermen, to establish broad, and partly above municipality level, private-authority denominational schools. In achieving this, the ARP (Anti- Revolutionary Party) politicians were able to make use of their extensive network, which included national politicians. It was only in the early 1980s that secular Ede achieved a long-cherished goal with the opening of a public-authority neutral secondary school. The presence of a broad range of Protestant-Christian educational facilities is one of the explanations why Ede’s expansion did not lead to a drop, in percentage terms, of the Orthodox-Christian share of the vote. These parties were, however, practically always kept outside the coalition. Nevertheless, they managed to profit from the educational policies implemented by the coalition parties CHU (Christian Historical Union) and ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party), and later by the CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal). These parties were not, however, rewarded for this policy as they were confronted with continuous and steady losses at the polls. Illustrative of this development was also the establishment in the 1970s of a number of Protestant Reformed primary schools and the establishment of a Protestant-Christian School Advisory Service in 1984. The long-term opposition to a more secular organization of society was also expressed in the opposition until the start of the 1970s to abolishing the dismissal of married teachers.

    Ede’s growth did not only bring an influx of new residents from the rest of the Netherlands to the Veluwe. The shortage of unskilled workers, which continued to increase during the 1960s in the Netherlands, also resulted in the arrival of guest workers in Ede. Chapter six discusses the attitude of the political establishment towards this population group, whose stay was initially expected to be only temporary. It quickly became apparent that their unfamiliarity with our country, language, customs and laws in combination with their low wages and, for the most part, low level of education gave rise to a need for social assistance and specific facilities. The municipal executive did not, however, make use of the possibility to participate in the Migrant Workers’ Assistance Foundation that was established in Gelderland in the 1960s and in which the municipal executives of Apeldoorn and Arnhem participated. The Ede municipal executive maintained the view, as did other places in the Netherlands, that the

    reception of this population group and the facilitating or provision of specific facilities was not the task of government —and most certainly not in the area of religion. In relation to this last point, the constitutional separation of church and state was invariably used as argumentation. Although, in practice in the Netherlands, and this includes Ede, up to that point had not been so strictly adhered to as was preached in Ede. It was only at the end of the 1970s that the first careful steps were taken to arrange for the required facilities. The municipal executive disregarded an official report in 1977 by Ede’s own Sociographical Department, in which migrant workers were considered one of the minority groups in the Netherlands and in which specific mention was made of the role of government in the origination of the problems confronting this population group. The decision of the national government in 1984 to transfer policy on minorities to local government forced the municipal executive to set down its own policy. When social unrest occurred surrounding the desire of and initiatives by the Moroccan and Turkish communities for their own place of prayer, the municipal executive slowly changed its attitude from a wait-and-see approach into an active approach in which a reasonably acceptable solution was sought in consultation with all the parties involved. The strong position of the SGP (Reformed Political Party) in local politics could present an explanation for the fact that in this period the extreme right in Ede, in contrast to national level, never achieved the electoral threshold.

    Growth also places demands on leisure facilities. In the previous topics, especially in relation to the educational facilities and the facilities for migrant workers, there was an ongoing discussion in the background about how big the role of government should be in society. In confessional circles, but also within the VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy), an ideological preference prevailed for small government, meaning, where possible, the initiative should be left to the community or the individual respectively. Government spending on leisure activities was particularly sensitive in the Protestant-Christian parties. The SGP (Reformed Political Party), on principal, held the opinion that the government should not spend public money on these types of activities. The development of sport fields/sport halls and the accommodation of sports clubs could, however, count on the support of the majority of the council and certainly also of the municipal executive. In the 1950s and 1960s the aldermen of the PvdA (Labour Party), VVD (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) and ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) were great sport enthusiasts. Subsidies for cultural activities were more sensitive as theatre and opera had been a taboo for a long time within segments of the Protestant- Christian parties and, particularly, within the SGP (Reformed Political Party). If it was, nevertheless, decided to provide funding to support organizations or initiatives, then it was chosen for a strong involvement by the municipality, for example through ownership and tenures. This was an attempt by the municipal executive to exercise more control over the operations and the use of subsidies. At the same time, the municipal executive had a preference for the commercial use of, for example, a swimming pool or a theatre because this presented the possibility of keeping the public funding to a minimum. Particularly this involvement in a commercial organization gave rise, once again, to criticism within the council and within the community because commercialism with the help of public money was considered inappropriate for government and unfair competition. Ultimately, in the middle of the 1980s, the municipal executive distanced itself from the commercial operations by awarding a fixed subsidy amount based on agreements relating to the services provided to the community.

    Reflecting on the fifty year period researched, two cut-off points can be established in the modernization process in Ede. The first period runs from 1945 to 1966 and is characterized by growth and tradition. The prevailing philosophy was that despite the choice for growth the Protestant-Christian character of the municipality should and could be maintained. This is illustrated in the development of a broad and above municipal level provision of private-authority Protestant-Christian educational facilities, in the commitment to non-interference in the agricultural sector including keeping the peasants, and in the conservative policy on developing cultural activities for the leisure sector.

    However, the growth did strengthened aspects such as secularization, professionalization, geographical and social mobility, individualization and democratization: the modernization process continually resulted in changes in society and in the population composition and was not solely restricted to what was desirable or planned.

    The second period runs to 1978 and can be characterized with the terms: change and debate.

    The municipal policy was examined more critically. For example, the city-forming plans were considered undesirable both by the original population and the newcomers. Maintaining the smallness and a more rural character proved to be attractive aspects for Ede. At the same time, the demand for a more pluralistic and broader provision of social and cultural activities increased. In this second period, the non-interference policy in relation to agricultural developments except in the case that agricultural lands were required for housing and business premises, encountered opposition when the negative effects of the continuous expansion in the intensive animal husbandry for the ecology and

    environment became more apparent. In addition, the arrival of migrant workers and with them Islam

    into this predominantly Protestant-Christian community became more problematic during this period. As a consequence of unemployment and family reunification, more pressure was put on the municipal authorities for assistance and the need for a place of prayer for the Muslim community strengthened.

    The societal and economic changes led to a more pluralistic political landscape. The six parties were confronted with increasing competition from new political parties, including the Boerenpartij (Farmers’ Party) which was the first to profit from the discontent. Only the SGP

    (Reformed Political Party) managed to hold onto its share of the vote. The third period is characterized by the development of a new political situation and the search for a new political balance. The municipal executive was forced by the national government to curb the intensive animal husbandry.

    The ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) had to part with the education portfolio and, finally, Ede got a public-authority neutral secondary school, the Pallas Athene. It was a long journey, but the Muslim community also received its own place of prayer. At a time when societal opposition to the building of a mosque appeared to favour the national extreme-right political parties and movements, the municipal executive opted to work with the Muslim groups to find a solution acceptable to all parties. The municipality distanced itself from the business operations in how it financed organizations such as swimming pools, the theatre and events such as the Week of the Heather.

    What are the answers to my questions I posed in the beginning: is modernization at the local level more of less an exogenous process, can it be planned, or have local politicians enough opportunities to make a difference? When compared to the national developments it holds true for Ede that the 1950s was certainly a dynamic period, but it is also true to say that a Protestant-Christian community such as Ede required more time to shape its growth ambition so that old and new, conservative and progressive, and religious and secular could achieve a new balance and compromise. The changes were neither imposed from outside nor according to plan. The paradoxical outcome of the modernization process is that it has led to the further convergence of the local with the national developments, but it has at the same time ensured the survival of local characteristics.

    Partially, these are characteristics that have consciously been or were able to be preserved by politicians, such as the predominantly Protestant-Christian education facilities and a conservative policy towards the socio-cultural domain. This policy has not, per definition, turned out favourably for the supporting political parties. It was the SGP (Reformed Political Party) and not the governing parties CHU (Christian Historical Union) and ARP (Anti-Revolutionary Party) (and later the CDA (Christian Democratic Appeal) that managed to hold onto its voters, even though the Protestant-Christian character of the municipality was the reason why a segment of the newcomers chose for Ede. Their votes did not strengthen the confessional parties at the centre of the political spectrum; it was precisely the orthodox element that benefitted, which was illustrated by the arrival of the RPF (Reformed Political Federation/GPV (Reformed Political Union). Other characteristic elements are independent of the local political policy and have ensured that Ede has become and remains a desirable place of residence and business. Its central location on the Veluwe, the good infrastructure, and the size of the municipality stimulated and made growth possible. Ede was a municipality with adequate facilities and the amenities it lacked could be found in the nearby Randstad and Arnhem.

    The Veluwe National Park also forms a large, green and tranquil back garden.

    Modernization was not imposed upon Ede, contrary to what Van Deursen notes in the case of Katwijk. Even so no controlled modernization for Ede, as Van Vegchel describes for Emmen. Like Zwemer states for Zeeland, local politics in Ede has been able to make a difference within the national developments and governmental guidelines. The national government only intervened and imposed their policy at the moment local political choices led to negative effects beyond the municipal boundaries. In accordance with the findings of Schuyt and Taverne the development in Ede was not the result of a ‘grand design’, not even of local politicians. Ede shows quite nice the paradox of modernization. Despite the creation of uniformity in the ongoing process of national integration and globalization, the paradox is that contradictory movements are possible that contribute to ensuring that the unique character of the area can be preserved, even if this characterization is also subject to change.

    Dignity for the Voiceless; Willem Assies's Anthropological Work in Context
    Salman, T. ; Martí i Puig, S. ; Haar, G. van der - \ 2014
    New York/Oxford : Berghahn (Cedla Latin America studies vol. 103) - ISBN 9781782382928
    politieke bewegingen - sociale structuur - sociale antropologie - etnische groepen - etniciteit - politiek - overheidsbeleid - regering - beleid - andes - landbouw - inheemse volkeren - bolivia - peru - latijns-amerika - political movements - social structure - social anthropology - ethnic groups - ethnicity - politics - government policy - government - policy - andes - agriculture - indigenous people - bolivia - peru - latin america
    In 2010, Willem Assies, an astute and prolific Latin Americanist and political anthropologist, died unexpectedly, at the age of 55. This book brings together some of his writings. Assies would always gave central stage to the collective and multi-layered actor and not the system — but he would constantly do so within the context of restrictions, pressures, conditioning factors and contradictions, to provide the actor with a real setting of operation.
    Participation, politics and technology : agrarian development in post-neoliberal Bolivia
    Córdoba Blandón, D.M. - \ 2014
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Paul Richards, co-promotor(en): Kees Jansen. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462570665 - 170
    participatie - politiek - landbouwontwikkeling - technologie - plattelandsontwikkeling - staat - overheidsbeleid - liberalisme - politieke bewegingen - bolivia - participation - politics - agricultural development - technology - rural development - state - government policy - liberalism - political movements - bolivia
    The election of Morales – an indigenous and cocalero leader – and his Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party became the most important political milestone in Bolivia’s recent history. The MAS promised to represent the most excluded sectors of the country, challenging the foundations of liberal democracy and the economic development model promoted during neoliberalism. This research analyses how did a highly politicized programme like that proposed by MAS in Bolivia come to implement rural development projects once in government? What are the differences between MAS proposal on participation and other visions of more technical and instrumental views on participation and rural development? Does MAS proposal on participation lead to alternative development or postneoliberal options? This thesis concludes that despite the MAS government’s efforts to politicize participation and agrarian development, in practice, and outside the heated moments of politically charged participation by social movements, the relationship between reaching technical efficiency and social justice is largely contingent; there is no one-to-one relationship between politics and technology. Concrete interventions in agrarian development have technical aspects where both versions of participation have to collaborate. This has brought contradictions within the MAS government as the necessity to work with the World Bank and implement participatory development to realize rural development interventions.
    On the state of business: trade, entrepreneurship and real economic governance in South Sudan
    Twijnstra, R.W. - \ 2014
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Thea Hilhorst, co-promotor(en): K. Titeca. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789461739971 - 196
    economische ontwikkeling - ondernemerschap - handel - governance - economie - bedrijven - staatsorganisatie - onafhankelijkheid - politiek - zuid soedan - economic development - entrepreneurship - trade - governance - economics - businesses - state organization - independence - politics - south sudan
    This thesis provides an insight into the everyday realities of economic life and regulation in the Republic of South Sudan for the period between 2010 and 2013, encompassing its independence from the Sudan in July 2011 and the period of economic austerity following the January 2012 oil shutdown . By looking at negotiation patterns between individuals and groups of traders, entrepreneurs, tax collectors and procurement officers from the local to the national level, this thesis explores how people within the state and people interacting with the state make sense of, contest and enact the state in this region that now comprises the world’s 193rd ,and therefore the youngest, internationally recognised independent country.
    Disaster, Conflict and Society in Crisis : Everyday Politics of Crisis Response
    Hilhorst, D. - \ 2013
    London : Routledge (Routledge humanitarian studies series ) - ISBN 9780415640817 - 304
    rampen - humanitaire hulp - conflict - crises - natuurrampen - politieke conflicten - conflictmanagement - noodhulp - politiek - peace building - wereld - disasters - humanitarian aid - conflict - crises - natural disasters - political conflicts - conflict management - emergency relief - politics - peacebuilding - world
    Humanitarian crises are usually perceived as a complete break from normality, spurring special emergency policies and interventions. In reality, there are many continuities and discontinuities between crisis and normality. What does this mean for our understanding of politics, aid, and local institutions during crises? This book, first in the new Routledge Humanitarian Studies Series, examines this question from a sociological perspective. It provides a qualitative inquiry into the social and political dynamics of local institutional response, international policy and aid interventions in crises caused by conflict or natural disaster.
    Political ecology in the oil palm-based cropping system on the Adja plateau in Benin: connecting soil fertility and land tenure
    Yemadje, H.R.M. - \ 2013
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Thomas Kuijper; R. Mongbo; D.K. Kossou, co-promotor(en): Todd Crane. - Wageningen : Wageningen UR - ISBN 9789461737557 - 111
    teeltsystemen - oliepalmen - ecologie - politiek - bodemvruchtbaarheid - pachtstelsel - innovaties - landhervorming - sociale verandering - intensivering - agroforestry - benin - cropping systems - oil palms - ecology - politics - soil fertility - tenure systems - innovations - land reform - social change - intensification - agroforestry - benin

    Keywords: Innovation system, Soil fertility management, Land reform, Participatory technology development, Social change, Agroforestry, Land access rights, Fallow, Agricultural intensification, Africa

    On the Adja plateau (West Benin), multiple actors are involved in an intercropping system with oil palm and food crops. This system is known as the oil palm-based cropping system (OPBCS). It contains two stages: a stage of small oil palms underneath which food crops are grown and a fallow stage with mature oil palm. Landowners grow oil palm mainly for the artisanal production of palm wine and sodabi, rather than for palm oil, for which the region is unsuitable for climatological reasons. The OPBCS has to be analysed not only from a technical and ecological perspective, but also from an institutional one. In the OPBCS there are competing claims between landowners and tenants for land use. Tenants access land under specific customary rules, grow food crops beneath oil palm and extend the cropping period by severely pruning palms because their right to grow food crops terminates when the palms reach a height of 2 m. Landowners claim that extended cropping reduces soil fertility and that long-duration oil palm fallows are necessary for soil fertility regeneration. Tenants state that long-duration fallow maintains land scarcity. In an attempt to remedy the competing claims, a land titling programme was implemented in some villages on the Adja plateau.

    I analysed the system with a political ecology lens. I demonstrated the implications of the multiple institutions for land access and ownership, and therefore for the competing claims. Land titling initially created land insecurity for tenants, as they were thrown off the land by owners who wanted to demonstrate ownership. Subsequently, new rules related to land access by tenants were introduced. Both ownership and access by tenants relied on a different mix of formal and informal practices, as evidenced by formal contracts, petits papiers and a new paper contract. The new paper contract provides tenants the rights to rent the land for up to 25 years. The titling programme also enhanced on-going processes of intensification and commercialisation, as evidenced by increased use of mineral fertiliser and the regression of the OPBCS. The long-duration fallow periods did not improve biological and chemical soil fertility. Long-duration fallows are rather used as an expression of control over land. Mineral fertiliser and organic amendments (household waste) explain lack of effects of fallowing. Application of household waste and mineral fertiliser did not change soil organic matter content. Organic amendments increased maize yields more than mineral fertiliser. Household waste did not improve agronomic use efficiency of mineral fertiliser.

    I suggest that formal and customary land tenure institutions can be blended to generate a hybrid system. Such a hybrid system might contribute to sustainable soil fertility management.

    Facing frontiers : everyday practice of state-building in South Sudan
    Vries, L.A. de - \ 2012
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Han van Dijk, co-promotor(en): T. Raeymaekers. - S.l. : s.n. - ISBN 9789461733955 - 225
    staatsregering - politieke macht - staat - regering - politiek - conflict - peace building - politieke processen - onafhankelijkheid - zuid soedan - state government - political power - state - government - politics - conflict - peacebuilding - political processes - independence - south sudan
    This study investigates daily performance of power in a post-conflict society and argues that the overall process of state-building in South Sudan cannot be properly understood in separation from the ways in which state power is locally exercised. It specifically analyzes South Sudan’s political transformation from the vantage point of the everyday practice of state agents in the border area with DR Congo and Uganda. Competition between government agencies and confrontations with counterparts across international borders continuously shape how the South Sudanese state manifests itself. Also, state agents’ claim to authority is rarely only based on formal mandate but blended with negotiated claims originating in their personal trajectories. The research concludes that state-building in South Sudan started long before the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005. The roots of this process do not originate in the political centre Juba, but in the border area where the SPLM/A established control nearly a decade earlier.
    EU animal welfare policy: Developing a comprehensive policy framework
    Ingenbleek, P.T.M. ; Immink, V.M. ; Spoolder, H.A.M. ; Bokma-Bakker, M.H. ; Keeling, L.J. - \ 2012
    Food Policy 37 (2012)2012. - ISSN 0306-9192 - p. 690 - 699.
    dierenwelzijn - dierlijke productie - politiek - consumenten - europese unie - beleid - animal welfare - animal production - politics - consumers - european union - policy - livestock production - attitudes - meat
    Many EU citizens are concerned about animal welfare. The policy literature has responded to these concerns by suggesting a variety of policy instruments to policy makers. However, a gap in knowledge exists regarding which instrument should be applied under which conditions in the policy environment. This article presents the results of multiple inductive case studies of eight European countries to better understand the contingencies to animal welfare policy instruments and to further complement the framework of policy instruments available to policy makers. The qualitative evidence from this study is presented in the form of a policy decision tree indicating instruments likely to be effective under given conditions. The findings suggest that a “one size fits all” solution for animal welfare in the EU is unlikely to be effective and that although a market-based policy within the current EU context is in many cases inevitable, the barriers are numerous and require policy instruments tailored to the specific context.
    100 jaar boer Koekoek
    Terluin, I.J. - \ 2012
    Groningen : Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, Faculteit Ruimtelijke Wetenschappen (URSI 341) - ISBN 9789036755924 - 160
    biografieën - landbouw - nederland - belangengroepen - geschiedenis - politiek - biographies - agriculture - netherlands - interest groups - history - politics
    Elephants of democracy : an unfolding process of resettlement in the Limpopo National Park
    Milgroom, J. - \ 2012
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Cees Leeuwis; Ken Giller, co-promotor(en): J.L.S. Jiggins. - S.l. : s.n. - ISBN 9789461732699 - 322
    nationale parken - natuurbescherming - ontwikkelingsprojecten - politiek - natuurbeleid - wildbescherming - invloeden - inheemse volkeren - bevolkingsverplaatsing - zuid-afrika - zimbabwe - mozambique - national parks - nature conservation - development projects - politics - nature conservation policy - wildlife conservation - influences - indigenous people - resettlement - south africa - zimbabwe - mozambique
    The proposed paper will focus on the process of displacement taking place in the context of the creation of the Limpopo National Park in Mozambique. This park is part of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park, which also includes the Kruger National Park (South Africa) and Gonarezhou National Park (Zimbabwe). The creation of the Limpopo National Park – which involved the translocation of more than 3000 animals from Kruger park to Limpopo park, including more than a hundred elephants – is strongly associated by some local residents with political developments following the cease-fire in 1992 and the increased regional cooperation since South Africa’s transition to democracy in 1994. The paper will describe how the establishment of the larger transfrontier park resulted in pressure on the Mozambican government to favour the model of a national park over other conservation options that might have better accommodated the interests of local communities. About 26 000 people are currently living in the Limpopo National Park; about 6000 of whom are in the process of being resettled to an area southeast of the park. The Mozambican government and donors funding the creation of the park have maintained that no forced relocation will take place. However, the pressure created by restrictions on livelihood strategies resulting from park regulations, and the increased presence of wildlife has forced some communities to ‘accept’ the resettlement option. The paper will describe the negotiation process about alternative locations and compensation packages for the communities to be resettled, involving park officials, local and international NGOs, and communities. An analysis will be presented of the power struggles between those parties, but also of the internal contradictions and conflicts that each of the parties experience. Furthermore, an often neglected aspect will be explored, namely that of the possible consequences of resettlement for the hosting communities outside of the park
    Recht en politiek in een tijd van globalisering
    Pijnenburg, L.F.P. - \ 2011
    Zoetermeer : Klement - ISBN 9789086870615 - 222
    internationaal recht - recht - politiek - globalisering - filosofie - nationaal bewustzijn - naties (landen) - psychologie - cultuur - identiteit - culturele psychologie - mensenrechten - morele waarden - moraal - ethiek - europese unie - integratie - besluitvorming - wereld - international law - law - politics - globalization - philosophy - national consciousness - nations - psychology - culture - identity - cultural psychology - human rights - moral values - moral - ethics - european union - integration - decision making - world
    Wat betekenen de sterk toegenomen migratie in de wereld en de gestage totstandkoming van een wereldmaatschappij voor de manier waarop we onszelf en de ander zien? Wat zijn de gevolgen van deze globalisering voor ons begrip van politiek en voor de vorming van nationale en culturele identiteiten? Op welke manier kunnen we onze idealen van vrede, vrijheid en rechtvaardigheid op een duurzame manier realiseren in een wereld waarin we steeds meer afhankelijk van elkaar worden? In de hier bijeengebrachte rechts- en politiek-filosofische opstellen verkent Habermas de mogelijkheden van de democratie voorbij de grenzen van de natiestaat, de politieke en morele uitdagingen waarvoor de Europese Unie zich gesteld ziet en de status van de mondiale mensenrechten. Hij ontwikkelt een gedetailleerd, veeldimensionaal model van transnationaal en supranationaal bestuur op basis van het kantiaanse kosmopolitisme en plaatst dit in de context van de negentiende- en twintigste-eeuwse ontwikkelingen op het gebied van het internationaal recht. Wat Europa betreft, bepleit Habermas een politiek van geleidelijke integratie waarbij de belangrijke beslissingen over de toekomst van Europa worden gelegd in de handen van de volken die er deel van uitmaken. Alleen door zich meer en meer te verenigen zal Europa, in nauwe samenwerking met de Verenigde Staten, mede gestalte kunnen geven aan een stabielere en evenwichtiger wereldorde.
    "En momentos difíciles nosotros somos un pueblo" Haciendo política en la mixteca de Oaxaca: un estudio sobre el ritual, la pasión y el poder
    Curiel Covarrubias, L.C. - \ 2011
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Georg Frerks, co-promotor(en): Monique Nuijten; Pieter de Vries. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789461731067 - 281
    sociologie - politiek - organisatie - gewoonterecht - mexico - vs - migratie - sociology - politics - organization - customary law - mexico - usa - migration

    In this thesis I decided to explain the re-functionalization of a socio-political organization regimen in a municipality located in the mixteca highlands of Oaxaca. I identified a series of events and conflicts that have been occurring since at least 15 years, and are related to the particular ways of organizing the social and political local life, known as customary law (Sistema de Usos y Costumbres-SUC). This local context is been affected by the migration to the Mexican-North American border, the incoming of federal and state financial resources as an outcome of the decentralization process, the legal recognition of the customary law in the Oaxacan Constitution, and the weakening of the influence and power of the PRI in the state. All together had form a temporal juncture since the middle 1990’s that has testified the fragmentation of the local political field. To explain this process and the relations between the different phenomena, fields of relations, actors and events is my general concern in this thesis.

    The present work goes by explaining how the re-functionalization of the SUC occurs because the local political field fragmented since new emergent actors organized the people in groups around particular interests and political activism, pushing changes in the local ‚traditional‛ customs. But they also achieved to reinterpreted them to mobilize the affections and passions of the population. Also, the uses of certain discourses, practices of organization and ritualized spaces and events have been their means to achieve their goals. This have provoked the appearance of a hectic environment –specially in electoral periods- that expresses the transformations that this regime has been experienced in relation to the effects of more broader phenomena. My intention is to explain a process of change of this regimen of customary law in which new and different ways of doing politics can be observed, as well as the constitution of new local subjectivities. This happens also re-functionalizing pre-existing forms of social organization.

    What I observed is that in the last years this organization regimen it’s been rationalized by new actors –emerging or previously excluded- who use discourses and practices coming out of this system –manipulating them and reinterpreting them- to participate in the new disputes and competitions for the local power, the municipal administration and the possession of ‚la costumbre‛ (the custom). These disputes take place in a fragmented and divided political field, appealing to the ‚pueblo‛ (the people) as a social entity unified and legitimate. These competitions occur between new actors grouped around leaders from political parties and social organizations, who had the capacity of destabilise the former status quo and subvert the control of the elite linked to the PRI.

    Taking into account this temporal juncture, the effects of broader phenomena and what I observed during my fieldwork, I grouped my doubts and interests in these research aspects:

     To expose the ways of doing politics within the process of re-functionalization of the SUC;

     To show that politics has been done through the use (political, moral, ideological) of ‚la costumbre‛;

     To expose the importance of the use of the discourse of ‚el pueblo‛ (as social entity) in the political struggles, and what it is expressing and meaning to who appeal to it;

     To show how these ways of doing politics manifest the construction of subjectivities in a socio-political organization regime in a process of transformation.

    What I present in this thesis is an extended case study (Mitchell, 2006 [1956]). This is characterized by presenting fieldwork material organized in a time sequence (normally a long period of time) in which the same actor are involved in a series of situations and events in which their positions are redefine. Also is possible, through an extended case study, to illustrate how the ways of doing politics have been changed and how the actors involved have adapted the ideological dimension of the SUC in the context of competition, disputes and struggles for the local power. The choice of presenting the material in this way allows me to expose the analysis of a series of successive events in a period of 15 years.

    I chose to do this through the analysis of discourses, practices and rituals spaces. I paid attention to the communal and public events such as assemblies and meetings but also I recur to many open and personalized interviews.

    In the introduction of the thesis I expose the research problem and the way I constructed it. Also I draw on my theoretical approach, concepts and ideas about politics and the way I understand it for the purpose of this work. Also I explain the methodological path I constructed in order to develop my four main concerns.

    In the second chapter I introduce the municipality of San Miguel Tlacotepec. I explain the history of the Customary Law system and its relation to Mexican politics (local and regional) and with the system of unique party. I include the particularities of this system in the ways of organized socially and politically the town. Also I explain the local institutions, its hierarchies and the role they play in the organization of the communitarian life in general. And the role domestic and international migration has been playing locally. The main goal of this chapter is to set the socio-historical context that prevails without to many and important changes for many years. Is in this context in which the firsts transformations were brewing.

    I refer about these innovations in chapter 3. I illustrate the first important changes experienced in the field of the local politics. I explain how the fragmentation starts through the appearance of new actors that emerge from the experience of migration and return. They also participated in regional events that disrupt the regional politics, such as the developing of social organizations opponent to the PRI. In this context, the resources from the municipal decentralization program and the civil positions turned a coveted booty making the municipal elections the first big arena of confrontation and struggle between the new actors. I explain as well how the communal assemblies are consolidate as the legitimate organ of decision making and the new and different discourses start to emerge playing an important role in the disputes for the local power. As I expose this context from the middle of the 1990’s, I show how the trajectories of the actors developed and how new subjectivities appear in the process of reconfigure the local politics.

    In chapter four I present an ethnography that show the importance of the antagonism among leaders y and organized groups as a central element to constitute the political field. I expose the kind of practices and discourses that participate –through the new leaders, activists, audience in the assemblies and confronted groups- in the dispute for ‚la costumbre‛ and how the idea of ‚el pueblo‛ was constituted -among the people who participate- and was used as a referent in the political conflict and also as a reaction to the fragmentation of the life in common. These changes also show the linkage –promote by the decentralization process- between the municipality and extra-communitarian institutions. This linkage is been reinforce through the influence the different actors have in those institutions and in the official decisions they take affecting the local dynamics of the municipality.

    In chapter five the ethnography refers to the municipal election of 2007. I show the whole process of organization from the pre-electoral environment to the final resolution of the post-electoral conflict. This example is been used to demonstrate how the dispute, confrontation, personal interests and passions influenced the participation of the audience to that event. Is possible as well to observe how appealing to the customary law worked to promote personal interests, channelled the antagonism for this not to turn violence, and constitute an ideological resource that could keep the ‚pueblo‛ united in spite of division.

    In chapter six I expose what apparently is a tense relation between the parish and the municipal authority. This relation occurs between the representatives of these local institutions and expresses, beyond the domestic affair, the kind of new relationship they have since the weakening of the local elite closed to the PRI and the rise of new actors who criticized the civil-religious relation. Through the ethnography of a disagreement about the use of the local chapel, my main interest is to show how the field of relationships and confrontations between these two institutions is an arena in which the representatives dispute the use of the discourse of ‚la costumbre‛ and its possession in order to win moral authority and prestige. This occurs through the strategic and instrumental use of certain rituals (from its organization to its accomplishment) and symbols, expressing the renew ways of doing politics in the changing context of the customary law system.

    Chapter seven contains my final conclusions based on my findings, presented throughout these pages, and their relations to the ideas and notions that guided my reflections. This work deals with the new ways of doing politics in the light of a particular socio-political system of organization and the changes that migration, municipal decentralization, the legal recognition of the SUC and the reconfiguration of the regional political scenario brought to SMT’s politics. I show this process interpreting the re-functionalization of this system and its rationalization made by the actors who participate in the different spaces of the fragmented local political field. The observance of this process and the outcomes allow me to place this work in two different debates but related to each other: the effects of the transnational organizations en the origin communities and the possibility of the emerging of a democracy of ‚el pueblo‛ facing the ravages of a democratic unease that affects the Mexican politics in general.

    To draw on the first of these debates, I argue how the transnational politics has been subordinate to the local and regional politics. In this case these two reinforce –through the leaders relations and influence- the links between the municipality and the extra-local institutions without promoting a transnational governance. The leaders arrived from the experience of transnational and domestic migration invested their experiences to reinforce their presence and influence in the local and regional political fields. This was achieved through the political used of different discourses, one of those completely new that brought the inhabitants of SMT around common concerns. This, I proposed, was expressed in a new way of politics –with the advent of a new kind of subjectivity- in which interests and concerns are shared, but also anxiety, unease and uncertainty. Even though there are some signs to discern a future panorama with place for the emergence and discussion of a ‚democracy of el pueblo‛.

    Cultural heritage and identity politics
    During, R. - \ 2011
    Wageningen : Wageningen Academic Publishers - ISBN 9789461730756 - 64
    cultureel erfgoed - identiteit - politiek - cultural heritage - identity - politics
    ‘As the authors in this fascinating volume point out, both heritage and identity discourse can be instrumentalized, by proponents and opponents of European integration, as they can be commodified, in branding efforts with various implementations. Just as in Macchiavelli’s Europe, political and economic alliances shift, people get tired of things, are anxious, and in a tumultuous present they tend either to cling furiously to old (reinvented) identities or to redefine themselves on a regular basis. The past, and thus heritage, plays different roles at different times in these processes. In Renaissance culture, the Romans inspired a unity of thought we now label ‘Renaissance’ but in the politics and identity politics of the day, the effects were much more intricately patterned.French law became modeled on Roman law, and a Roman- inspired legal profession and administrative ethics arose that gradually permeated French society, but Spain and Italy itself proved quite different’
    Flood planning; the politics of water security
    Warner, J.F. - \ 2010
    London : I.B. Tauris (International library of political studies 30) - ISBN 9781845118174 - 384
    overstromingen - hoogwaterbeheersing - natuurrampen - beheer van waterbekkens - politiek - floods - flood control - natural disasters - watershed management - politics
    Floods are amongst the most common and devastating natural disasters. In the wake of such an event, the pressure to initiate flood protection schemes that will provide security is enormous, and politicians promise quick solutions in the national interest. Jeroen Warner examines a number of such projects from around the world - the Middle East, South Asia and Western Europe - aimed at the prevention of serious flooding. Each provoked a level of controversy unforeseen by its initiators, with the result that schemes were shelved, were not completed, or simply failed. The author shows how such projects inevitably become politicized as different stakeholders seek to promote their interests.
    Acties milieubeweging geven aanzet tot verandering
    Noorduyn, L. - \ 2010
    Syscope Magazine 2010 (2010)27. - p. 24 - 25.
    chemische bestrijding - pesticiden - gewasbescherming - tuinbouw - politiek - wetgeving - milieubescherming - volksgezondheid - verandering - milieueffect - Nederland - chemical control - pesticides - plant protection - horticulture - politics - legislation - environmental protection - public health - change - environmental impact - Netherlands
    Gif op druiven, landbouwkundige onmisbaarheid, Maximale Residu Limiet: allemaal woorden die de milieu - beweging en de landbouwwereld in de jaren negentig in de strijd gooiden om hun gelijk te halen. Een historische analyse van krantenartikelen en Tweede Kamervragen over bestrijdingsmiddelen laat zien hoe partijen op elkaar reageerden en hoe acties van de milieubeweging een verandering in gang zetten.
    Governing food security. Law, politics and the right to food
    Hospes, O. ; Hadiprayitno, I. - \ 2010
    Wageningen : Wageningen Academic Publishers (European Institute for food law series no. 5) - ISBN 9789086861576 - 380
    voedselzekerheid - mensenrechten - recht - politiek - beleid inzake voedsel - voedselveiligheid - voedingsmiddelenwetgeving - governance - food security - human rights - law - politics - food policy - food safety - food legislation - governance
    With only five years left until the 2015 deadline to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, food security still is a dream rather than reality: 'a situation that exists when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life'. Political commitments at world summits on food security, market-based agricultural policies, science-based food safety regulation and voluntary guidelines on the right to food have not ended hunger, malnourishment or food safety crises in our world. The question arises whether food insecurity is a situation that exists in spite of these commitments and legal measures, or rather due to them? This book has three purposes. Firstly, it offers insights in how law, politics and the right to food contribute to food security in both positive and negative ways. For this purpose, different theories, concepts and methodologies from legal, political, anthropological and sociological sciences are used and developed. Secondly, the book explains that food security and food policies cannot be treated as given, at one level or in one domain only. This is done in different ways: by pointing out the emergence of new paradigms on food security, human rights and science that shape food policies; by showing how law and policies at one level affect food security at another level; and by treating food security and food policies as linked to governance regimes of agriculture, food, feed, water or property. Finally, the book offers scholarly analysis of paradigms and practices but also presents social science-based ways to indirectly contribute to food security, varying from improving justiciability to building trust, from seeking ways to address non-scientific concerns to creating room for plurality of lifestyles and norms, from unmasking dominant discourse to understanding or strengthening abilities or arrangements to cope with vulnerability.
    Nationalisms and politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism and the Kurdish Issue
    Casier, M. ; Jongerden, J.P. - \ 2010
    London and New York : Routledge (Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics 26) - ISBN 9780415583459 - 256
    nationalisme - etnische groepen - politiek - regering - turkije - islam - sociale situatie - nationalism - ethnic groups - politics - government - turkey - islam - social situation
    This book examines some of the most pressing issues facing the Turkish political establishment, in particular the issues of political Islam, and Kurdish and Turkish nationalisms. The authors explore the rationales of the main political actors in Turkey in order to increase our understanding of the ongoing debates over the secularist character of the Turkish Republic and over Turkey’s longstanding Kurdish issue. The book contains contributions on the social and political fabric of Turkey, exploring Turkey’s secularist establishment, the ruling AKP government, the Kurdistan Workers' Party and the Institutions of the European Union. While the focus of concern in this book is with the social agents of contemporary politics in Turkey, the convictions they have and the strategies they employ, historical dimensions are also integrated in their analyses.
    The politics of water : a survey
    Wegerich, K. ; Warner, J.F. - \ 2010
    London [etc.] : Routledge - ISBN 9781857435856 - 393 p.
    politiek - waterbeheer - water - watervoorraden - watervoorziening - conflict - samenwerking - waterbeleid - waterrechten - internationale betrekkingen - politics - water management - water - water resources - water supply - conflict - cooperation - water policy - water rights - international relations
    Nuevos Campesinos, campesinos e imperios alimentarios
    Ploeg, J.D. van der - \ 2010
    Barcelona : Icaria (Perspectivas agroecológicas 5) - ISBN 9788498882063 - 430
    boerenstand - landbouw bedrijven in het klein - plattelandsontwikkeling - plattelandssamenleving - boeren - landbouw bedrijven - bedrijfssystemen - ondernemerschap - globalisering - rurale sociologie - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - voedselproductie - politiek - landbouwbeleid - italië - nederland - peru - peasantry - peasant farming - rural development - rural society - farmers - farming - farming systems - entrepreneurship - globalization - rural sociology - sustainability - food production - politics - agricultural policy - italy - netherlands - peru
    Dit nieuwe boek van ruraal socioloog Jan Douwe van der Ploeg is een pleidooi voor een nieuwe boerenlandbouw als een agrarisch systeem dat het best en meest duurzaam de zorg op zich kan nemen voor de vele cultuurlandschappen die de wereld rijk is. De oude landbouw wordt namelijk steeds meer gedomineerd door wereldwijde conglomeraten als het Italiaanse Parmalat. Terwijl familiebedrijven ook in tijden van mindere economische voorspoed blijven boeren op de plek waar ze zijn, en dus ook het landschap onderhouden waarop ze boeren, schakelt de internationale agroindustrie net zo gemakkelijk van een akker in Afrika naar die in Amerika of Europa, naar gelang de grondkosten, de productie per hectare en de arbeidskosten.
    Out of the Mainstream. Water Rights, Politics and Identity
    Boelens, R.A. ; Getches, D. ; Guevara-Gil, A. - \ 2010
    London : Earthscan - ISBN 9781844076765 - 366
    watervoorziening - watervoorraden - ontwikkeling van hulpbronnen - politiek - cultuur - gevalsanalyse - eigendomsrechten - latijns-amerika - andesgroep - waterrechten - identiteit - staat - inheemse volkeren - geslacht (gender) - water supply - water resources - resource development - politics - culture - case studies - property rights - latin america - andean group - water rights - identity - state - indigenous people - gender
    Water is not only a source of life and culture. It is also a source of power, conflicting interests and identity battles. Rights to materially access, culturally organize and politically control water resources are poorly understood by mainstream scientific approaches and hardly addressed by current normative frameworks. These issues become even more challenging when law and policy-makers and dominant power groups try to grasp, contain and handle them in multicultural societies. The struggles over the uses, meanings and appropriation of water are especially well-illustrated in Andean communities and local water systems of Peru, Chile, Ecuador, and Bolivia, as well as in Native American communities in south-western USA. The problem is that throughout history, these nation-states have attempted to 'civilize' and bring into the mainstream the different cultures and peoples within their borders instead of understanding 'context' and harnessing the strengths and potentials of diversity. This book examines the multi-scale struggles for cultural justice and socio-economic re-distribution that arise as Latin American communities and user federations seek access to water resources and decision-making power regarding their control and management. It is set in the dynamic context of unequal, globalizing power relations, politics of scale and identity, environmental encroachment and the increasing presence of extractive industries that are creating additional pressures on local livelihoods. While much of the focus of the book is on the Andean Region, a number of comparative chapters are also included. These address issues such as water rights and defence strategies in neighboring countries and those of Native American people in the southern USA, as well as state reform and multi-culturalism across Latin and Native America and the use of international standards in struggles for indigenous water rights. This book shows that, against all odds, people are actively contesting neoliberal globalization and water power plays. In doing so, they construct new, hybrid water rights systems, livelihoods, cultures and hydro-political networks, and dynamically challenge the mainstream powers and politics.
    Analyse groen in verkiezingsprogramma’s Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 2010
    Heutinck, L.B.M. ; Visschedijk, P.A.M. - \ 2010
    [S.l.] : S.n. - 26
    politiek - plaatselijk bestuur - sociaal welzijn - ideologie - attitudes - politieke partijen - openbaar groen - stemmen (verkiezingen) - gemeenten - politics - local government - social welfare - ideology - attitudes - political parties - public green areas - voting - municipalities
    Uit een analyse van de verkiezingsprogramma’s in de 17 steden met krachtwijken blijkt dat groen een belangrijk onderwerp is. In ruim 85% van de bijna 250 partijprogramma’s zijn passages over groen opgenomen. Alterra (Wageningen UR) heeft gekeken naar de aandacht voor groen in de lokale verkiezingsprogramma’s. Hieruit blijkt dat de aanwezigheid van groen in die programma’s vooral gekoppeld wordt aan de kwaliteit van de woonomgeving
    Partners in peace : discourses and practices of civil-society peacebuilding
    Leeuwen, M. van - \ 2009
    Surrey : Ashgate (Non-state actors in international law, politics and governance series ) - ISBN 9780754677437 - 223
    samenleving - politiek - oorlog - instellingen voor ontwikkelingshulp - gevalsanalyse - vrede - peace building - internationale betrekkingen - internationale conflicten - society - politics - war - development agencies - case studies - peace - peacebuilding - international relations - international conflicts
    Since the early 1990s, international development organizations and donor agencies increasingly recognize the contributions local civil society can make to peace. Despite their popularity, questions still remain on the actual nature, practices, and roles of local civil society organizations in sustaining peace. So, how do international organizations support local peace building? Do they really understand conflict? "Partners in Peace" challenges the global perception and assumptions of the role played by civil society peace building operations and offers a radically new perspective on how international organizations can support this effort. Framing the debate using case studies in Africa and Central America, Mathijs van Leeuwen examines different meanings of peace building, the practices and politics of interpreting conflict, and how planned interventions work out. In developing this argument, van Leeuwen explores: policies and practices of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Cordaid, Norwegian Church Aid, Norwegian People's Aid; internal dynamics of Sudanese Women's Voice for Peace organization; land disputes and strengthening traditional conflict resolution in Burundi; and, peasant movements and the Catholic Church in Guatemala. Comparing this original view with contemporary perceptions of non-state actors, "Partners in Peace" includes many recommendations for NGOs involved in peace building and constructs a new understanding on how these practises relate to politics and practices on the ground.
    I nuovi contadini, le campagne e le risposte alla globlizzazione
    Ploeg, J.D. van der - \ 2009
    Roma : Donzelli Editore - ISBN 9788860364166 - 403
    boerenstand - landbouw bedrijven in het klein - plattelandsontwikkeling - plattelandssamenleving - boeren - landbouw bedrijven - bedrijfssystemen - ondernemerschap - globalisering - rurale sociologie - ontwikkelingsstudies - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - voedselproductie - politiek - landbouwbeleid - italië - nederland - peru - landschapsbeheer - peasantry - peasant farming - rural development - rural society - farmers - farming - farming systems - entrepreneurship - globalization - rural sociology - development studies - sustainability - food production - politics - agricultural policy - italy - netherlands - peru - landscape management
    Van wie is het bos eigenlijk? Essays over participatie en natuurbeheer
    Keulartz, F.W.J. ; Veen, M. v.d. - \ 2009
    Driebergen : Staatsbosbeheer - 92
    bossen - participatie - samenleving - filosofie - individuen - gemeenschappen - regering - politiek - natuurbeheer - maatschappelijk middenveld - natuur - forests - participation - society - philosophy - individuals - communities - government - politics - nature management - civil society - nature
    Aguas Rebeldes. Imágenes de la lucha por el agua y la justicia en los Andes
    Boelens, R.A. ; Parra, R. - \ 2009
    Quito : IEP & IMPREFEPP - ISBN 9789978302149 - 369
    waterbeheer - recht - richtlijnen (directives) - plattelandsgemeenschappen - politiek - wetgeving - cultuur - weerstand - collectieve overeenkomsten - ecuador - peru - bolivia - chili - watervoorraden - waterrechten - inheemse volkeren - identiteit - politieke bewegingen - justitie - andes - water management - law - directives - rural communities - politics - legislation - culture - resistance - collective agreements - ecuador - peru - bolivia - chile - water resources - water rights - indigenous people - identity - political movements - justice - andes
    Multifunctional rural land management; economics and policies
    Brouwer, F.M. ; Heide, M. van der - \ 2009
    London : Earthscan Publications Ltd. - ISBN 9781844075775 - 300
    landgebruik - landschapsbescherming - plattelandsomgeving - landbouw - meervoudig landgebruik - grondbeheer - economie - politiek - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - duurzame ontwikkeling - land use - landscape conservation - rural environment - agriculture - multiple land use - land management - economics - politics - sustainability - sustainable development
    The increasing demand for rural land and its natural resources is creating competition and conflicts. Many interested parties, including farmers, nature conservationists, rural residents and tourists, compete for the same space. Especially in densely populated areas, agriculture, recreation, urban and suburban growth and infrastructure development exert a constant pressure on rural areas. Because land is a finite resource, spatial policies which are formulated and implemented to increase the area allocated to one use imply a decrease in land available for other uses. As a result, at many locations, multi-purpose land use is becoming increasingly important. This notion of multi-purpose land use is reflected in the term 'multifunctionality'. This volume provides insights into viable strategies of sustainable management practices allowing multiple functions sustained by agriculture and natural resources in rural areas. It shows how the rural economy and policies can balance and cope with these competing demands and includes numerous case studies from Europe, North America and developing countries.
    In fear of abandonment : slum life, community leaders and politics in Recife, Brazil
    Koster, M. - \ 2009
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Th. Blom Hansen, co-promotor(en): Monique Nuijten; Pieter de Vries. - [S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789085852971 - 356
    sociologie - sociale antropologie - steden - stedelijke gebieden - armoede - economisch achtergestelden - buurten - sociale structuur - stedelijke samenleving - stedelijke bevolking - gemeenschappen - leiderschap - politiek - stadsontwikkeling - brazilië - latijns-amerika - sociology - social anthropology - towns - urban areas - poverty - economically disadvantaged - neighbourhoods - social structure - urban society - urban population - communities - leadership - politics - urban development - brazil - latin america
    This book sets out to contribute to the pursuit of ‘making nonpersons full human beings’
    (Boff & Boff:1987:8). It provides insights in the lives of residents of the slum of “Chão de
    Estrelas” in Recife, Brazil. I argue that slum dwellers should not be mystified and
    misrecognised as “the other”, as different from “normal” citizens, because of their
    marginalised position. I show that the slum is, in fact, an eminently knowable world.
    This book presents how slum dwellers, directed by local lideres comunitarios, community
    leaders, strive for material and intangible resources and engage in utopian projects. I
    argue that the needs and aspirations of these people, who are at constant risk of being
    ignored, disconnected, and abandoned, emerge from their yearnings for recognition and
    connectivity, and a fear of abandonment. To understand this life in the slum, I focus on
    the ways slum dwellers attempt to realise their needs and aspirations, modes of
    operating which I call “slum politics”.
    Chapter 1 defines slum politics as grounded in the needs and aspirations of those
    who live in the margins. Drawing on the work of Oscar Lewis (1959, 1965), it analyses
    how life in the slum, through stigmatisation and a long history of marginalisation, is
    reproduced in ways that are fundamentally different from middle- and upper-class
    people. This difference, expressed in particular needs and aspirations, is not generated
    because slum dwellers are a different kind of people, but because have they been
    structurally segregated in the dominant political and economic order. This chapter
    documents how these particular needs and aspirations, although not solely held by
    slum dwellers, are more emphatically and urgently present in their lives in the margins
    of the political and economic order, and have material, intangible and utopian
    dimensions. Material needs exist, for instance, for money, food, and employment.
    Intangible, or social, needs can be viewed in attempts to establish connections to all
    kinds of people and to gain prestige. Utopian aspirations find their expression in slum
    dwellers’ cravings for solidarity, a better environment, and a desire to be connected to
    the world instead of being ignored by it.
    This chapter coins the concept of slum politics as the ongoing and never finished
    endeavour of slum dwellers of creating connections and possibilities which break off all
    the time. Slum politics, driven by attempts to be connected to the political and economic
    order, centres on the notion of connectivity, the intricate face-to-face relations between
    persons which need to be constantly maintained, and a fear abandonment, which means
    being forsaken and excluded by everybody. It includes practices in the realms of family
    life, making a living, and dreaming about the future.
    Chapter 2 provides a portrait of community leadership. It shows how community
    leaders are the main facilitators of slum politics, as they articulate and consolidate needs
    and aspirations of their fellow slum dwellers, which they, being slum dwellers
    340
    themselves, know well. Community leaders distinguish themselves from other slum
    dwellers by their talent to establish and maintain myriad connections, both to other
    slum dwellers and people outside the slum. Through these connections they attempt to
    create access to resources, to gain prestige, and arrive at recognition of their needs and
    those of their fellow slum dwellers.
    Community leaders also need their connections in order to make a living. They
    engage in the realm of electoral politics, looking for resources and prestige. Yet, their
    practices inevitably implicate them in particular tensions between opposing dimensions.
    They are confronted with the diverging expectations of fellow slum dwellers. This
    results in tensions of love for the community versus self-interest, and between the
    expectation that community leaders derive prestige and resources through electoral
    politics and the accusation that they are contaminated by electoral political interests.
    Slum dwellers are attracted by electoral politics’ image of opulence and possibilities
    beyond compare. Meanwhile, they distrust involvement in it, as it seemingly
    marginalises community issues in favour of assuming and maintaining public positions
    and making money.
    Chapter 3 introduces the community leaders Ovídio, Creuza, and Zezinho, their
    personalities, their projects, their operational styles, and their competition. It pays
    attention to how they articulate and consolidate needs and aspirations of their fellow
    slum dwellers, and operate between the tensions introduced in chapter 2. Each leader’s
    trajectory towards becoming a leader is presented, including their historical record of
    achievements and their thematic interests, comprising issues in which they specialise,
    which allow them to establish connections with people around specific topics. Three
    case studies are presented, one on each community leader, closely examining how they
    give shape to slum politics in their projects.
    Chapter 4 discusses how ordinary life in the slum is lived, through narrating
    histories of how four families in the slum organise their lives. These stories shed light on
    the way the economy is lived in a site where unemployment is high, self-employment
    often the only way to make a living, and allowances form a great part of the money
    coming in. I show a particular economic dynamic, where much of the money remains
    circulating within the slum, with a specific gendered labour division, an emphasis on
    connections, gift-giving, and a social use of money.
    In Chapter 5, I analyse how slum politics is intertwined with, but different from,
    electoral and themselves, know well. Community leaders distinguish themselves from other slum
    dwellers by their talent to establish and maintain myriad connections, both to other
    slum dwellers and people outside the slum. Through these connections they attempt to
    create access to resources, to gain prestige, and arrive at recognition of their needs and
    those of their fellow slum dwellers.
    Community leaders also need their connections in order to make a living. They
    engage in the realm of electoral politics, looking for resources and prestige. Yet, their
    practices inevitably implicate them in particular tensions between opposing dimensions.
    They are confronted with the diverging expectations of fellow slum dwellers. This
    results in tensions of love for the community versus self-interest, and between the
    expectation that community leaders derive prestige and resources through electoral
    politics and the accusation that they are contaminated by electoral political interests.
    Slum dwellers are attracted by electoral politics’ image of opulence and possibilities
    beyond compare. Meanwhile, they distrust involvement in it, as it seemingly
    marginalises community issues in favour of assuming and maintaining public positions
    and making money.
    Chapter 3 introduces the community leaders Ovídio, Creuza, and Zezinho, their
    personalities, their projects, their operational styles, and their competition. It pays
    attention to how they articulate and consolidate needs and aspirations of their fellow
    slum dwellers, and operate between the tensions introduced in chapter 2. Each leader’s
    trajectory towards becoming a leader is presented, including their historical record of
    achievements and their thematic interests, comprising issues in which they specialise,
    which allow them to establish connections with people around specific topics. Three
    case studies are presented, one on each community leader, closely examining how they
    give shape to slum politics in their projects.
    Chapter 4 discusses how ordinary life in the slum is lived, through narrating
    histories of how four families in the slum organise their lives. These stories shed light on
    the way the economy is lived in a site where unemployment is high, self-employment
    often the only way to make a living, and allowances form a great part of the money
    coming in. I show a particular economic dynamic, where much of the money remains
    circulating within the slum, with a specific gendered labour division, an emphasis on
    connections, gift-giving, and a social use of money.
    In Chapter 5, I analyse how slum politics is intertwined with, but different from,
    electoral and governmental politics. I follow Partha Chatterjee’s theorising on popular
    politics, conceptualised as those ‘contrary mobilisations’ that may have ‘transformative
    effects … among the supposedly unenlightened sections of the population’ (2004:49).
    Chatterjee distinguishes the politics of marginalised people from the politics of the state
    apparatus and the government, and argues that the former should not be understood as
    “pre-political” and backward, but as a politics with its own parameters and logics,
    ‘different from that of the elite’ (idem:39). My reservation to Chatterjee’s theorisations is that he presents popular politics as a residual category, derived from governmental
    politics. I argue instead that slum politics is not primarily reactive to or derived from
    governmental politics, but co-exists with it as it is constituted in the needs and
    aspirations of slum dwellers.
    Chapter 6, zeroing in on the 2004 municipal elections, shows the overlap between
    slum politics and electoral politics. It documents how electoral politics penetrates into
    the slum and contaminates slum politics. Community leaders employ the moment of the
    elections to negotiate with candidates to garner resources for the community and
    themselves. However, electoral politics entails the possible risk of steering away from
    community interests into issues of self-interested yearnings for power and money. Two
    case studies show attempts of community leaders, as political canvassers, to manoeuvre
    in the realm of electoral politics in such ways as to also make money, cater to needs and
    aspirations of fellow slum dwellers, and steer clear of accusations of being selfinterested.
    Chapter 7 presents a case study of encounters between slum politics and
    governmental politics. Parts of Chão de Estrelas were planned to be regenerated by a
    large World Bank funded slum upgrading programme. I analyse the preamble of the
    programme, how it affected the population of the slum, and how community leaders
    dealt with it. With reference to Bruno Latour’s work, I argue that the ambiguity which
    existed around the programme actually called it into existence. I contend that a project
    creates a context in which it becomes real, through rumours and ‘little solidities’ (Latour
    1996:45), like meetings, surveys, maps, aerial photographs, offices, brochures, registers,
    maps, surveyors and their reports, and census stickers.
    I also argue that the programme affected slum dwellers in their most vulnerable
    places: their homes, neighbourhoods, and possibilities for work. As a consequence,
    feelings of despair, evoking fears of being ignored as a person with specific needs and
    aspirations, hit hard in the lives of slum dwellers.
    Chapter 8 analyses how life in the slum is framed by violence. Next to the symbolic
    and structural violence of discrimination, slum dwellers face acts of violence on a daily
    basis, like fights, assaults and shoot-outs, often related to drug trade. Community
    leaders and drug traders maintain a tacit balance by which they steer clear of contact
    with each other. Slum dwellers, I show, perceive of violence as extraordinary through
    acts of mentioning it, reflecting upon it, avoiding it, and expressing aspirations for a life
    without it. In contrast, they also see violence as normal, as it is an everyday life
    experience.
    Furthermore, this chapter argues that, whereas actual violence occurs at random,
    potential violence is structured and structuring. Dealing with potential violence, slum
    dwellers ban violence discursively from their personal lives by depicting it as related to
    ‘the other’ and ‘elsewhere’. In addition, they adhere to moral categories which define
    those who die from violence as evil, as such seeing their death as a good thing which rids the community of wrong-doers.
    Turning again to the intersection between slum politics and governmental politics,
    the chapter argues that the concept of citizenship does not resonate with the lives of
    slum dwellers who reside in sites where citizenship rights per definition do not hold.
    Part of the violence slum dwellers face is related to the intrusive workings of the statedesigned
    project of registered citizenship, which centres on the compulsory carrying of
    identity cards. Slum dwellers, instead of being recognised as citizens through their
    identity cards, are discriminated and approached in violent ways by the police who
    consider them as criminals.
    Chapter 9, as a conclusion, argues once more against the mystification and
    “othering” of slum dwellers, and distances them from the philosopher Giorgio
    Agamben’s notion of homo sacer (1998, 2005). Slum dwellers do not coincide with homo
    sacer, as they are not officially abandoned by law and maintain personal connections
    with people outside the slum. Further, the dominant image of the slum dweller as a
    dangerous criminal separates him from homo sacer, who is harmless. Moreover, slum
    politics assigns a political quality to life in the slum, which makes it a politically
    qualified life (bios) instead of the bare life (zoē) of homo sacer. Slum dwellers’ position in
    the political and economic order, although marginalised, is different from the position of
    homo sacer, who exists outside of the order. Finally, in contrast to homo sacer, slum
    dwellers are not a minority, but a fast growing social class which will soon exist of more
    than half of the world’s population. I incite anthropologists to study not only the general
    exclusionary workings of political systems, but also the mundane practices and utopian
    aspirations of people living in the margins, as an analysis of these may help to imagine
    novel political possibilities.
    Landscape architecture between politics and science : an integrative perspective on landscape planning and design in the network society
    Jonge, J.M. de - \ 2009
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Arnold van der Valk; J. Koh. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085852483 - 239
    landschapsarchitectuur - ruimtelijke ordening - politiek - landgebruiksplanning - wetenschap - landschapsplanning - landscape architecture - physical planning - politics - land use planning - science - landscape planning
    This thesis examines the typical nature of design thinking, which is compared and contrasted with scientific and political thinking. A theretical framework is formulated and applied to landscape planning and design. During the 20th century the established operational orientation in landscape architecture was accompanied by an emerging strategic design approach, referred to as 'research by design'. Two cases of large scale landscape planning and design in the netherlands are given in this publication: the restructuring of sandy soil areas programme and the Stork Plan for Rhine-Meuse floodplain in the central belt of the Netherlands
    Baron op klompen : mr. B.W.A.E. baron Sloet tot Oldhuis (1807-1884): aan de hefboom tot welvaart
    Coster, W. - \ 2008
    Wageningen [etc.] : Nederlands Agronomisch Historisch Instituut (Historia agriculturae 40) - ISBN 9789085049500 - 416
    biografieën - politiek - economie - onderwijs - kennis - communicatie - handel - landbouw - plattelandseconomie - kolonialisme - nederland - geschiedenis - plattelandsontwikkeling - oost-nederland - biographies - politics - economics - education - knowledge - communication - trade - agriculture - rural economy - colonialism - netherlands - history - rural development - east netherlands
    Mr. Bartholomeus Willem Anne Elise baron Sloet tot Oldhuis, kortweg Sloet, was een prominent burger in de 19e eeuw. Van oorsprong was hij Geldersman, maar het grootste gedeelte van zijn leven woonde en werkte hij in Overijssel. Hij was daar burgemeester, rechter en initiator van de ‘Overijsselse Vereeniging tot Ontwikkeling van Provinciale Welvaart' waaruit in 1846 de Landhuishoudkundige Congressen voortkwamen. In de beide decennia rondom 1848 was hij een buitengewoon actief lid van de Tweede Kamer. Hij zette zich in voor de bevordering van de landbouw, de emancipatie van het platteland, de aanleg van wegen te water en te land en de verspreiding van kennis en kunde.
    Políticas públicas como objecto social: Imaginando el bien público en el desarollo rural latinoamericano
    Arce, A.M.G. ; Blanco, G. ; Hurtado Paz y Paz, K.M. - \ 2008
    Guatemala : Flacso - ISBN 9789993972570 - 300
    plattelandsontwikkeling - politiek - regering - overheidsbeleid - ontwikkelingsbeleid - markteconomie - sociale ontwikkeling - latijns-amerika - rural development - politics - government - government policy - development policy - market economics - social development - latin america
    Bakti Pamong Praja Papua; Di era transisi kekuasaan belanda ke Indonesia
    Visser, L.E. - \ 2008
    Jakarta, Indonesia : Kompas Penerbit Buku - ISBN 9789797093853 - 447
    geschiedenis - politiek - verandering - regering - overheidsorganisaties - bestuur - nederland - indonesië - papoea-nieuw-guinea - politieke processen - bureaucratie - history - politics - change - government - government organizations - administration - netherlands - indonesia - papua new guinea - political processes - bureaucracy
    Een unieke serie verhalen over 17 Papua-bestuurders (tuan bestir), opgeleid in de laat ‘50-er jaren en vaak werkend in afgelegen gebieden en hun contacten met de bevolking tijdens tournees. Ook aan bod komen de woelige jaren ’60, de korte UNTEA-periode, de manipulatie bij de Act of Free Choice en de integratie binnen de Indonesische eenheidsstaat. Velen van hen bleven tot aan hun pensionering in de ’90-er jaren in dienst van het Indonesisch bestuur
    Worlds apart : interactions between local initiatives and established policy
    Buizer, I.M. - \ 2008
    Wageningen : Alterra, Wageningen-UR (Alterra scientific contributions 22) - ISBN 9789032703592 - 242
    grondbeheer - landgebruiksplanning - regionale planning - overheidsbeleid - regionaal beleid - relaties tussen stad en platteland - participatie - politiek - gebiedsgericht beleid - beleidsprocessen - land management - land use planning - regional planning - government policy - regional policy - rural urban relations - participation - politics - integrated spatial planning policy - policy processes
    This thesis presents three case studies about private actors aspiring to realize their innovative ideas on land management and design in three different areas in the Netherlands. In appearance, these three areas are very different but they are all dynamic and are all located near cities. In size, the areas range from seventy to a few hundred hectares. Socially, they are highly dynamic as well, with various groups and organizations seeking either to make changes or to conserve what they value, and taking action to promote their ideas. However, it was clear from the start that the ways in which the initiators of these ideas gave meaning to the three areas differed from the ideas enshrined in existing policies. It is argued that the initiatives must be looked at in the context of various pleas for ‘interactive policy making’, since these generate expectations about the scope for initiatives to come from private actors. The question is whether these pleas really imply scope for two-way traffic, allowing ‘space for policy innovation’ through local initiatives which do not originate from government actors. Indeed, the three case studies show that there is ample innovative potential at the local level and that ideas do get implemented after considerable efforts. The fact that these initiatives were implemented was also due to other factors, such as the personal zeal and perseverance, trust and empathy that could develop among people involved ‘in the field’. However, the cases also show that there is only limited politicized discussion about the possible wider policy implications of these local innovations. This study revealed this asymmetry between local innovative potential and a seeming lack of responsiveness on the part of established policy by means of an analysis of 1) the relationships between discourses, actor coalitions, rules and resources at the level of day-to-day interactions between the initiatives and established policy, and 2) the influence of structural forces such as Europeanization, distantiation, juridification and sectoralization on these everyday practices. The study explored how these structural forces contributed to a form of depoliticization in the case study areas.
    Land and embedded rights: an analysis of land conflicts in Luoland, Western Kenya
    Hebinck, P.G.M. ; Mango, N. - \ 2008
    In: Dilemmas of development: conflicts of interest and their resolutions in modernizing Africa / Abbink, G.J., van Dokkum, A., Leiden : African Studies Centre (African studies collection 12) - ISBN 9789054480815 - p. 39 - 59.
    contemporary comparisons - politiek - economie - culturele interactie - cultuur - antropologie - afrika - contemporary comparisons - politics - economics - cultural interaction - culture - anthropology - africa
    This book unites studies on the contemporary dynamics of Africa. The chapters reflect new developments in the arenas of politics, economics and cultural struggle. These domains look far apart but are not
    Camponeses e Impérios Alimentares; lutas por autonomia e sustentabilidade na era da globalicação
    Ploeg, J.D. van der - \ 2008
    Porto Alegre : UFRGS Editora - ISBN 9788538600299 - 372
    boerenstand - landbouw bedrijven in het klein - plattelandsontwikkeling - plattelandssamenleving - boeren - landbouw bedrijven - bedrijfssystemen - ondernemerschap - globalisering - rurale sociologie - ontwikkeling - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - voedselproductie - politiek - landbouwbeleid - italië - nederland - peru - landschapsbeheer - peasantry - peasant farming - rural development - rural society - farmers - farming - farming systems - entrepreneurship - globalization - rural sociology - development - sustainability - food production - politics - agricultural policy - italy - netherlands - peru - landscape management
    Strategische verkenning covergisting van mest
    Meijer, G.A.L. ; Klein Teeselink, H. ; Stroomer, J.C.J. ; Ongenae, R.C.J. ; Kottner, M. - \ 2008
    Lelystad : Animal Sciences Group - 27
    bio-energie - biogasmest - alternatieve landbouw - politiek - risico - landbouwkundig onderzoek - dierlijke meststoffen - co-vergisting - biobased economy - bioenergy - biogas slurry - alternative farming - politics - risk - agricultural research - animal manures - co-fermentation - biobased economy
    Doel van deze strategische "verkenning van de covergisting van mest" is om de mogelijkheden en wenselijkheden van een verdere ontwikkeling van covergisting van dierlijke mest te onderzoeken. Indien het ministerie van LNV in wil zetten op substantiële opschaling van mest- en covergisting in Nederland, zou zij een faciliterende rol kunnen kiezen voor het in dit rapport beschreven proces. Ten aanzien van toegang tot energienetten en ten aanzien van vergoedingen voor duurzame energie is afstemming nodig tussen de energiesector en de ondernemers en kan het ministerie van Economische Zaken de toegang en vergoedingen mogelijkerwijs reguleren.
    Baron op klompen : mr. B.W.A.E. baron Sloet tot Oldhuis (1807-1884) aan de hefboom tot welvaart
    Coster, W. - \ 2008
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Pim Kooij. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085049500 - 416
    biografieën - politiek - economie - onderwijs - kennis - communicatie - handel - landbouw - plattelandseconomie - kolonialisme - nederland - geschiedenis - plattelandsontwikkeling - oost-nederland - biographies - politics - economics - education - knowledge - communication - trade - agriculture - rural economy - colonialism - netherlands - history - rural development - east netherlands
    During the nineteenth century many changes took place in The Netherlands, which in various ways have determined the structures we are living in today. Not only did the unification of the ‘archipelago of regions and communities’ from the period of The Republic make progress in the field of politics, (social-)economy and demography, but also in the field of language and culture, (town- and country-)planning and the structure of the landscape. Simultaneously the nation state of The Netherlands -which developed after a strongly directive French-Batavian intermezzo- remained a colourful mosaic of fixed or changing structures, materials and nuances. The origin, direction and pace of the various, sometimes co-existing phases in this process were, to a large extent, determined by people who stepped forward with their ideas, ideals and initiatives. These people had to deal with counter forces: from other persons, both individually and collectively, or from the physical environment which confronted them with sometimes unexpected difficulties and possibilities. It was – although opinions differ in this respect – above all a process of the work of man.
    One of those who played an important role in the changing process of the nineteenth century was the lawyer Bartholomeus Willem Anne Elisa baron Sloet tot Oldhuis (1807-1884). ‘Sloet’, as he was usually called, was born in the village of Voorst in Gelderland, but most of his life he lived in and worked for the province of Overijssel. He held many offices, including those of mayor, judge, council member, provincial councillor and school inspector. In 1841 he was the originator of the ‘Overijsselsche Vereeniging tot Ontwikkeling van Provinciale Welvaart (‘Overijssel Society for the development of Provincial Prosperity’), in short ‘Welvaart’, and also of the subsequent ‘Landhuishoudkundige Congressen’ (‘Agronomic Congresses’) in 1846. Between 1840 and 1860 he was one of the leading men in the national political arena. In 1840 and again in 1848 he was a member of the Double Chamber for the amendment of the Constitution and he resided in the Second Chamber (Commons) between 1848 and 1860. Sloet was known to be a critical and headstrong liberal, who stood up for the interests of the countryside, especially those of the provinces of Overijssel and Gelderland, without becoming a narrow minded regionalist. He fought with and against Thorbecke, supported Van Hoëvell in debates on the policy regarding the Dutch East Indies and was one of the most ferocious opponents of Groen van Prinsterer. For decades the ‘Tijdschrift voor staathuishoudkunde en statistiek’ (Journal for political economy and statistics), which was founded by him in 1841, was considered to be the essential liberal mouthpiece. Both in word and in action Sloet was a pioneer who devoted himself to the emancipation and development of agriculture and the countryside, the construction of roads and waterways, and to the spreading of knowledge and skills. His views on the relationship with the colonies in the East and the West were sensational. Meanwhile he published widely both as a poet and a folklorist. Many of his initiatives succeeded, others failed, but his goal remained to stand at ‘the lever to prosperity’.
    His strongly felt presence, his wilful character, his versatility and his vigour make Sloet a splendid guide through his time. Not only because of what he achieved but also because of his disappointments and failures and the opposition he was confronted with. The fact that he came from the eastern part of the country, together with his regional orientation and the availability of relevant sources makes it possible to select specific regional fragments against the scenery of the nineteenth century.
    The present research concerning Sloet tot Oldhuis fits perfectly into the biographical tradition which over the past decade has also found its way into the field of agrarian history. By choosing themes from the life and work of a renowned figure in his time Baron op klompen (‘Baron in clogs’) seeks to show the important role Sloet has played during a large part of the nineteenth century in the political, economical and rural arena, more specifically in agriculture, planning and (political) culture; those aspects which were decisive in the development of the nation state of the Netherlands. The emphasis will be on the period between, roughly, 1840 and 1870.
    The title ‘Baron op klompen’ also refers to the fact that Sloet -being a nobleman who did not out of ‘noblesse oblige’ feel obliged to defend the rights of his class- became an advocate for the backward rural regions and the peasantry. A new element in the present research is the fact that the results of the explorations of the ‘curriculum’ of chapter 2 are elaborated in subsequent chapters and in the interaction between them. That is why this new type of biography may be called a ‘concentric biography’.
    The essence of this research is to show how a representative from the eastern part of the Netherlands, who may be assumed to have had much influence on the development of the modern nation, manifested himself. Here the term ‘modernization’ is used as ‘a complex of simultaneously occurring developments which strengthen each other into a certain direction’. These developments are elaborated in four themes representing important aspects in Sloet’s social life: knowledge and skill, infrastructure, the countryside with its agriculture, and the colonies. Again and again the question is raised how his personality and intellectual background affected his actions. Each of these chapters raises a specific research question. A recurring question is what contribution Sloet has made to the development of the political culture by his public actions in the local, regional and national arenas.
    In a way this research is a counterpart to the NWO-research of modernization and democratization in the Dutch countryside which is being conducted by the Rural History Group of Wageningen University, under the guidance of dr A.J. Schuurman. It therefore also poses the question which government bodies, organizations, newspapers and periodicals were responsible for stimulating the process of modernization and the development of the countryside. In this case the question is aimed specifically at the role Sloet played in this process. In other words – see the conclusion of chapter 1 - whether figures like him, who did not belong to the ‘titans’ in national politics, could ‘move the lever of prosperity’.
    After the introductory chapter 1, ‘Aan de hefboom tot welvaart’ (‘At the lever of prosperity’), chapter 2, ‘Achtergronden’ (‘Backgrounds’) describes Sloet’s personal life. It deals with his curriculum vitae cum annexis, characterises him as a person and shows which tools he was given and which he gained during his life. It inquires after his ambitions and after his economic, social and cultural capital. In line with the concentric method, specific answers to these questions will be given in each of the subsequent chapters. This chapter pays special attention to Sloet as mayor of Hengelo (Overijssel) between 1832 and 1838, because it would prove to be the breeding ground for Sloet’s ambitions and activities afterwards in national politics. What he tried to achieve in Hengelo at a local level he would later attempt at a national level. Finally this chapter pays explicit attention to his literary work, which in the other chapters is mainly used to illustrate.

    Chapter 3, ‘Twee maal een onzichtbare hand’ (‘Twice an invisible hand’), elaborates on Sloet’s intellectual baggage. His thoughts appear to have been guided by two invisible hands: that of religion and that of economy, while Classic Antiquity also took up a prominent part of this baggage.
    In his religious life Sloet was guided by ‘physico-theology’, a school of thought which originated during the age of Enlightenment and was based on the idea that the forces of nature refer to a Creator. Other physico-theological writers, such as J.F. Martinet (1729-1795) wanted to convince their readers of the existence of God and his lasting care for his Creation on the strength of the available knowledge of natural phenomena. They wanted to point out that Nature is organized in such a systematic and functional way that a Nature without God simply cannot exist. What is more they summoned everybody to get to know and admire the magnitude of the Creator by means of the investigation of Nature. This way of thinking is based on both rational proof of God’s existence and the visible manifestation of God’s power, wisdom and goodness in the cosmic order of things. In accordance with the empirical spirit of the times this last aspect was emphasised most in the eighteenth century. Although a man of the nineteenth century, empiricism fitted Sloet like a glove.
    According to Sloet morality was closely connected with religion in defining morals, norms, values and (therefore) citizenship. From morality to political economy was another small step as far as Sloet and many of his contemporaries were concerned. Within this context statistics and rural economy were also important and Sloet was certainly intensively engaged in these matters. The pillars of his world view and thoughts on people’s happiness -in the sense of material and non-material prosperity- were therefore a mixture of classic, Christian and profane materials. Chapter 3 explores the composition of this mixture.
    As Hans Boschloo quite rightly states in his work De productiemaatschappij, in 1848 Sloet was ‘just like almost every other ‘laisser faire’ economist probably a Thorbeckian’. However, over the years he found himself more and more estranged from the liberal mainstream. In his eyes liberalism brought too much state interference, which was harmful to regional autonomy and resulted in unnecessary bureaucracy, his two largest frights. Because where could personal interests be served better than in one’s own immediate surroundings? And why should civil servants in The Hague interfere with the life of a farmer in Overijssel? Sloet considered freedom and centralisation to be opposites. This does not mean, that he was against any form of state interference, except where it concerned the care for the poor or the non-productive citizens. In that case he adhered to the principle: ‘he who does not work shall not eat’, although he would not say so outright. For Sloet – who was after all a lawyer – the form of government was less important than the general Christian state family in which everybody knew his place and lived by the same unwritten rules and principles, while fulfilling a task in order to provide for his or her livelihood.
    The next four chapters show how Sloet operated, being guided by this way of thinking.

    Chapter 4, ‘ ‘Kennis is de ware tooverij’ ’ (‘ ‘Knowledge is the true magic’ ’), pursues the value Sloet attached to organizations which furthered mutual contacts, research, information and education, public governance and well functioning media as necessary links to knowledge and information. Or, to put it in modern terms: networks, education and research, public relations and communication. His contribution to the political culture is also dealt with explicitly, while in the following chapters this contribution is further illustrated with practical examples. The question is what his approach was, who he involved and what the results were of his efforts, even though the answer to this last question will be saved for chapters 5, 6 and 7.
    According to folklorist Tjaard de Haan, the fact that Sloet, in his ‘Ode aan de IJssel’ (‘Ode to the IJssel’) rhymes ‘stichting’ (edification/foundation) with ‘volksverlichting (‘enlightenment of the masses’), is typical for his active attitude toward life. He was one of the gentlemen who had woken, or wanted to wake, the countryside. His great strength was his zest for work, which was fed by his belief in the possibility of shaping or at least improving society and in the power of science. ‘Knowledge is the true magic’ was his motto as written down in 1865. At the same time it meant a confirmation of his belief in the divine nature which would allow itself to be uncovered by science. Nevertheless these discoveries needed to be translated to all layers of society if they were to benefit general prosperity.

    Chapter 5, ‘ ‘Wegen te water en te land’ ’ (‘ ‘Roads in the water and on land’ ’), deals with the development of infrastructure, both locally and internationally, i.e. roads, waterways and railroads in the Netherlands and across the borders. How Sloet dealt with his ideas in these areas is examined here. What were his goals? Who were his allies and who his opponents in the borderland between public and private interests? What effects did his efforts achieve? Especially his activities in Overijssel, notably his desire to change its capital into a genuine seaport are emphasised here. Special attention is paid to his conspicuous efforts to make improvements on ‘the waterway between Zwolle and the sea’, the route via the ‘Zwarte Water’ and the ‘Zwolse Diep’. For this case caused political and personal polarization and shows a great deal of Sloet’s character and his political style. Besides, the perils around this ever so important part of Overijssel’s infrastructure led to a novelty in Dutch politics: the first full Parliamentary Inquiry in 1856.
    At a time when Sloet exerted all his influence for the realization of the waterway from Zwolle to the sea and for the first railroads to and in Overijssel, shortly before the middle of the nineteenth century, he also pointed out the importance of ‘the footpaths of the nation’: the indispensable and undeniable winding paths in the countryside which were literally threatened to be buried by modern times. On the one hand he valued them because of their arcadian character, on the other also and the more so because of their economic value. The moral of the story being that modernization was useful and necessary but one should take care not to reject the good with the bad because old things also had their rights and served their purpose and should not be so easily dismissed. Sloet compared infrastructure to a blood circulation system in which each little vein served its purpose both for the entire body and for an individual body part. Without roads, however small they might be, there could be no trade and without trade there was no progress. This was the lesson he had learnt from Martinet and Adam Smith.
    One victory was booked in 1860: just before he left the Second Chamber a Railway Act with national validity was passed, which also served the provinces, even though practice would show once again the West taking control over the initiative and the National Railways. Private initiative resulted in the completion of the ‘Zuiderzeelijn’ in 1864, a project in which Sloet had put a lot of effort, as far back as in the 1840s. At least his ideas and initiatives had contributed to the development of a coherent network of transport and communication lines, one of the necessary requirements for environmental integration.

    Chapter 6, ‘Landbouw, landhuishoudkunde en landleven’ (‘Agriculture, rural economy and rural life’), deals with the role the agricultural sector played within and for Dutch national economy and how aspects such as knowledge, know-how and communication influenced this role according to Sloet. The chapter starts with a short description of agriculture in Overijssel in the nineteenth century.
    The first question in this context is how Sloet valued the situation of agriculture in The Netherlands and its developments, especially in the province of Overijssel. Secondly, which arguments does he pose for the different views there are on this issue? A third question is what Sloet has contributed to the development of agriculture, both nationally and in Overijssel? Finally, can he be considered a representative of a certain group or did he occupy a special position within Dutch agriculture?
    Sloet saw the agricultural sector as full of potential, some of which was also realised. Although this filled him with satisfaction and delight, it was no reason to sit back complacently, because new situations and developments also created new opportunities which needed to be utilized. The overall goal remained to explore and exploit the treasures of nature which became available through agriculture and, of course, otherwise. Farmers had a specific and important role in this process. For the eastern part of the Netherlands with its specific agrarian characteristics Sloet thought the best option was to develop the small family business. In a way and avant la lettre this manner of thinking fits within the later theory of Ester Boserup who speaks of ‘the relation between population growth in a certain ecological system and the changes in agriculture, more specifically the intensification of farming, which are a result of this growth’. Sloet considered ecology and economy to go hand in hand and according to him developments in the agricultural production process were determined by natural circumstances. But it was up to man to recognize these circumstances and to make use of them and improve them. Only then could the population grow. The necessary employment could amply be found in the countryside. Sloet considered investing on a small scale, such as providing seeds and simple sausage recipes better than introducing large farming equipment which would mostly benefit the big farmers. Modernization of agriculture should therefore aim at the small peasant family business. Rather than for mechanization Sloet opted for the use of human labour as a means to increase productivity.
    Where the second question - of the different views on production development in agriculture- is concerned, Sloet simply does not provide us with the necessary statistics, despite his efforts. He did recognize, however, the rapid growth in population, the resulting pressure on the soil, the necessary intensification in agriculture and the just as necessary improvements of the infrastructure with, of course, the opportunities which these developments created. Van Zanden’s thesis, that up to about 1870 the influence of ‘institutions’, organizations and institutes on actual farming had been small, needs to be questioned. The existing agricultural societies before 1870 certainly made their contributions, especially Sloet’s Agronomic Congresses and, where Overijssel is concerned, ‘Welvaart’. Sloet was living proof that ‘people do make a difference’.
    This also forms the beginning of the answer to the third research question, namely which contribution Sloet has made to Dutch agriculture, and especially that of Overijssel. By using his countless connections in politics, the Agronomic Congresses, among men of science and farmers, with his knowledge of national and international literature on the subject and last but not least on the basis of his own observation, he was the seemingly tireless stimulator behind small but indispensable little pulls at the lever of prosperity. To his great dismay and despite his efforts of many years he did not succeed in causing the tithes, a tax which he considered to be harmful to the development of agriculture, to be abolished.
    The answer to the question as to what extent Sloet has taken up a position of his own in Dutch agriculture is closely connected with his descent and the region he grew up in. His childhood in Gelderland gave him direction and shaped him – as it had done his father and mother before him – into a tool of progress in the countryside and it made him an exponent of rural life. Not because he desired to play the role of ‘gentleman’, but for the love of his surroundings and the people with whom he felt connected. With his ‘physico-theological’ way of thinking as a liberal politician, economist, governor, man of letters and as a folklorist he is indissolubly connected with the agriculture and the countryside of The Netherlands and especially the countryside of the eastern part of The Netherlands or the ‘Saxon’ countryside, as he called it.
    All together this creates a colourful and original person. In a sense Sloet was born in the wrong environment. He was different; he was a baron in clogs. However, if he had been a farmer in clogs he would not have been able to achieve the things he did by being the man he was.

    Chapter 7, ‘Provincies overzee’ (‘Provinces overseas’), describes the way Sloet, together with baron Van Hoëvell, the militant ex-clergyman in the East Indies, initiated the discussion on colonial policy and launched ideas to emancipate the colonies in the East and the West and to make them more profitable. His actions are mainly highlighted by his role in the Second Chamber. Especially his interpellations on several issues and on a few particular items: a colonization project in Surinam, his proposal to sell land on Java, the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ (cultivation system) and the Government Regulation for the Dutch East Indies which came into force in 1854. Moreover his attitude towards the Dutch Trading Company (Nederlandsche Handel-Maatschappij, in short ‘NHM’) and the issue of slavery, which he strongly condemned, are discussed here. The results of his actions should be regarded in the light of the question what his contribution has been towards the development of the political culture after 1848.
    Where the issue of the ‘colonies’ was concerned, Sloet brought about a change of culture. He endured storms without being able to harvest but he opened up possibilities for others, especially with regard to the East. Several interpretations with regard to the abolishment of the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ were congruent with his ideas on the topic. Firstly, as a classic liberal, he fought against forced labour and the monopoly of the colonial government, and especially the NHM. The amendments and changes which were attributed to criticism of left-wing liberals were mostly due to Sloet’s work. Already in 1849 Sloet started discussions in the Second Chamber on various matters, thereby uncovering abuses which were unheard of at that time. What is more, in doing so he specifically drew attention to the interests of the native people.
    Secondly, he did not mind reforms made by civil servants in, as Fasseur states, removing or softening the aggravating burdens of the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ (Cultivation system). On the contrary, by making these changes (which could only be realised in a government system based on transparency) the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ could – according to Sloet - actually coexist with a system based on free labour and Western entrepreneurship. Finally, the interpretation that in the Dutch Indies there was a growing group of entrepreneurs with sufficient knowledge and capital to change the ‘Cultuurstelsel’ into a system based on free labour and Western enterprise, was very much in line with Sloet’s ideas. However, he also wanted to make it possible for new initiatives from the Netherlands and from the Western world in general to exploit the potential riches of the Dutch East Indies (including the Outer Provinces). If he thought fit Sloet looked not only across the regional, but also across the national borders. For him the general interest took precedence over the private interest.
    In his perception of the colonies Sloet agreed with the French economist and colonial propagandist Paul Leroy-Beaulieu (1843-1916) who spoke of ‘colonisation moderne’ as exploitation based on free production and private capital. ‘Such colonization does not recognize a difference between colonials and the colonized, exploiters and the exploited, but is beneficial to both’. Proper colonial policy should not impoverish or deprive the indigenous people but should enrich them, and with that the colonial government. This was exactly the doctrine he had expounded in his ‘Grondtrekken van de Staathuishoudkunde’ (Characteristic Features of Political Economy) and this was congruent with the principles he attributed to christianity. According to him the colonies were also guided by the two invisible hands of political economy and of Christendom.
    Most important however, was the fact that Sloet by his heavy criticism provided politics and political culture with a new form and substance in a time when colonial benefits had culminated.

    The main research question in this study was posed in chapter 1, questioning whether individuals who were not considered to be among the ‘titans’ of nineteenth century politics could bring about any movement in the lever of prosperity. Focussing on Sloet’s person this was mostly about the development of the countryside in the eastern part of the Netherlands, Overijssel specifically, and about the Dutch colonies. There was also the question how much he has contributed to the political culture of his time.
    The first conclusion in the final chapter 8, ‘Eén gezin, vastgesnoerd door broedermin’ (‘One family, tied together by brotherly love’), is that Sloet’s life and aspiration were permanently aimed at his ultimate goal: progress. This did not necessarily mean choosing new methods and techniques or enormous expansions. His perception of modernization was that of the definition as mentioned in chapter 1: ‘a complex of simultaneously occurring developments which strengthen each other into a certain direction’. The object of this direction was ahead of him, but where necessary and if there were things to be learned, he was not afraid of looking back either. In the same way his perspectives would change in his geographical orientation. The basic elements for the desired development he found first and foremost in his immediate surroundings. Most examples would come from his own sphere of work in the eastern part of the Netherlands, but they only served to provide substance for a model for Overijssel or Gelderland, The Netherlands, the Dutch colonies or for the world. On the other hand he was also in the habit of using the knowledge he acquired from his connections or through literature to the benefit of his immediate environment. Nevertheless he would always keep the natural situation in mind and would take care not to damage any other regions wherever these might be. As Martinet’s Katechismus der Natur (‘Nature’s Catechism’) had taught the young Sloet: that was not in accordance with God’s intentions.
    In 1862, two years after he had been obliged to leave the Second Chamber -thereby practically ending his role in national politics- Sloet was both satisfied and dissatisfied. In his case this was inevitable. Of course, much had been achieved. He had had his share in the new and constantly changing world. He had been responsible for waking up the countryside of Overijssel not only by introducing new farming methods and new strains and crops but also by providing knowledge and insights and means to express them. He had contributed to the construction of roads, railways and canals. He had stirred the political debates with his critical, though sometimes rather thoughtless contributions. As a Multatuli avant la lettre he had spoken for the people of the Dutch East Indies. In his poetry he had focussed on the beauty and intrinsic value of nature. He had explored limits and most of all he had shown how far human effort could reach. Therefore he was all about progress, but he would not think twice about stopping a vehicle that was out of control either.
    Sloet supported the late eighteenth century ideal of freedom, which revolved around the freedom of the citizen and which limited the powers of the state to the passing and upholding of laws necessary for a society to function. He even went one step further and would have preferred to reduce those laws as well, convinced as he was that they were not necessary, for in his eyes mankind was ‘one family, tied together by brotherly love’. In the end we can only come to the conclusion that Sloet may not have been a ‘titan’, but he certainly has set ‘the lever to prosperity’ going. He has explored and shifted boundaries and he has served as a model for the creed: ‘People do make a difference’.




    The New Peasantries, struggles for autonomy and sustainability in an era of empire and globalization
    Ploeg, J.D. van der - \ 2008
    London [etc.] : Earthscan - ISBN 9781844075584 - 356
    boerenstand - landbouw bedrijven in het klein - plattelandsontwikkeling - plattelandssamenleving - boeren - landbouw bedrijven - bedrijfssystemen - ondernemerschap - globalisering - rurale sociologie - ontwikkelingsstudies - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - voedselproductie - politiek - landbouwbeleid - italië - nederland - peru - landschapsbeheer - peasantry - peasant farming - rural development - rural society - farmers - farming - farming systems - entrepreneurship - globalization - rural sociology - development studies - sustainability - food production - politics - agricultural policy - italy - netherlands - peru - landscape management
    This book explores the position, role and significance of the peasantry in an era of globalization, particularly of the agrarian markets and food industries. It argues that the peasant condition is characterized by a struggle for autonomy that finds expression in the creation and development of a self-governed resource base and associated forms of sustainable development. In this respect the peasant mode of farming fundamentally differs from entrepreneurial and corporate ways of farming. The author demonstrates that the peasantries are far from waning. Instead, both industrialized and developing countries are witnessing complex and richly chequered processes of 're-peasantization', with peasants now numbering over a billion worldwide. The author's arguments are based on three longitudinal studies (in Peru, Italy and The Netherlands) that span 30 years and provide original and thought-provoking insights into rural and agrarian development processes. The book combines and integrates different bodies of literature: the rich traditions of peasant studies, development sociology, rural sociology, neo-institutional economics and the recently emerging debates on Empire.
    Politiek van de aandacht voor milieubeleid: een onderzoek naar maatschappelijke dynamiek, politieke agendavorming en prioriteiten in het Nederlandse milieubeleid
    Breeman, G.E. ; Timmermans, A. - \ 2008
    Wageningen : Wettelijke Onderzoekstaken Natuur & Milieu (WOt-rapport 77) - 67
    milieu - politiek - milieubeleid - samenleving - attitudes - massamedia - openbare mening - nederland - maatschappelijk draagvlak - governance - environment - politics - environmental policy - society - attitudes - mass media - public opinion - netherlands - public support - governance
    In dit onderzoek is de politieke agendavorming over het Nederlandse milieubeleid geanalyseerd. Hierbij is gebruik gemaakt van een cyclisch model van aandachtsontwikkeling, waarbij de verwevenheid van politiek, media en expertorganisaties centraal staat. Het onderzoek bestaat uit een kwantitatief deel waarbij de politieke- en media-agenda door onderwerpcodering zijn vastgelegd en een kwalitatief deel waarbij opvallende periodes in het aandachtsverloop nader bekeken zijn. Uit het onderzoek blijkt de aandacht voor milieu grotendeels bepaald te worden door de toestand van de economie, onverwachte incidenten en de concurrentie met andere onderwerpen in de politieke arena. Bovendien blijkt politieke aandacht voor milieu moeilijk, omdat milieu vooral een Europees onderwerp is en Europa is sinds het grondwetreferendum niet populair. Wel blijkt de aandacht voor milieu toe te nemen wanneer sprake is van een volledig nieuw product (eerste milieubalans) of unieke gebeurtenis en wanneer Nederland een belangrijke inbreng heeft in een mondiale gebeurtenis (organisator wereldklimaatconferentie). Trefwoorden: besluitvorming, media-aandacht, milieubeleid, politieke agendavorming
    Reconstructing Biotechnologies: critical social analyses
    Ruivenkamp, G.T.P. ; Hisano, S. ; Jongerden, J.P. - \ 2008
    Wageningen : Wageningen Academic Publishers - ISBN 9789086860623 - 367
    biotechnologie - voedselbiotechnologie - samenleving - sociologie - analyse - technologie - kracht - politiek - plattelandssamenleving - landbouwontwikkeling - landbouw - kwaliteit - rurale sociologie - ontwikkelde landen - ontwikkelingslanden - sociologische analyse - plantenbiotechnologie - transgene organismen - politieke economie - landbouw als bedrijfstak - kennissystemen - kritische theorie - biotechnology - food biotechnology - society - sociology - analysis - technology - power - politics - rural society - agricultural development - agriculture - quality - rural sociology - developed countries - developing countries - sociological analysis - plant biotechnology - transgenic organisms - political economy - agriculture as branch of economy - knowledge systems - critical theory
    War veterans in Zimbabwe's land occupations: complexities of a liberation movement in an African post-colonial settler society
    Sadomba, W. - \ 2008
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Paul Richards, co-promotor(en): S. Moyo; Kees Jansen. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085049173 - 257
    veteranen - belangengroepen - politiek - landbouwhervorming - landbouwgrond - grondbeleid - overheidsbeleid - kolonialisme - imperialisme - conflict - boeren - armoede - sociale verandering - platteland - zimbabwe - geschiedenis - bezetting - westerse wereld - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - politieke conflicten - sociaal conflict - nationale politiek - veterans - interest groups - politics - agrarian reform - agricultural land - land policy - government policy - colonialism - imperialism - conflict - farmers - poverty - social change - rural areas - zimbabwe - history - occupation - western world - relations between people and state - political conflicts - social conflict - national politics
    In 2000, Zimbabwe’s century old land movement took a swift turn, rupturing into
    nationwide occupation of mainly White owned commercial farms. The speed with
    which occupations spread, their organisation, the political and economic context, the
    historical origins and interaction of the forces, shaped an unprecedented and
    complex land movement impacting on the region, the continent and beyond.
    Zimbabwe’s land occupations were unique in two ways. First, the leading role of
    War Veterans of the 1970s anti-colonial guerrilla war in the land occupations was
    exceptional. Second, the simultaneous challenge to racial, settler economic
    dominance and neo-colonialism by marginalised peasants, farm workers, war
    veterans, urban youth and the unemployed, was a new experience in post-colonial
    history of Africa’s liberation movements. Zimbabwe’s land occupations were a long
    continuum of land struggles to resolve the colonial legacy of racial resource
    distribution but as they occurred, the role played by the state, the contested terrain of
    the civil society, formidable political opposition and imperialist interventions of
    western powers clouded the identity of the land movement thereby making it
    difficult to distinguish the moving current and the identity of forces from the wider
    political conflicts swirling around it. Who exactly initiated the occupations and for
    what reasons? This thesis attempts to unpack these intricately locked forces in a bid
    to understand their origins, interests, strategies, tactics and above all, the alliances
    between and amongst them, for clearer understanding of the core of the movement.
    This thesis traces the history of Zimbabwe’s liberation movement as foundation to
    understanding political reconfigurations that shaped post independence social
    movements and assesses agrarian technology responses to such a dramatic social
    change of Africa’s post-colonial settler society. The thesis provokes prognostic
    thoughts about the role played by social capital of liberation struggles in future
    economic and cultural emancipation from shackles of neo-colonialism and racial,
    settler capitalism.
    TRAK: voedselkwaliteit op het spoor : op weg naar een transparant beleidsafwegingskader
    Bracke, M.B.M. ; Bakker, E. de; Beekman, V. ; Jansson, K. ; Graaff, R.P.M. de - \ 2008
    Den Haag : LEI (Rapport / LEI : Werkveld 3, Consumenten en ketens ) - 75
    landbouwbeleid - overheidsbeleid - besluitvorming - voedselkwaliteit - selectiecriteria - waarden - consumenten - politiek - nederland - scenario planning - agricultural policy - government policy - decision making - food quality - selection criteria - values - consumers - politics - netherlands - scenario planning
    Dit rapport presenteert de methodiek TRAK: een instrument waarmee verschillende beleidsscenario's transparant tegen elkaar kunnen worden afgewogen met behulp van een verzameling van criteria die samen alle relevante waarden dekken. Op deze wijze kan het voor consumenten en politici inzichtelijker worden gemaakt hoe allerlei waarden en belangen (zoals volksgezondheid, dierenwelzijn, milieu en eerlijke handel) in het beleid zijn meegenomen en gewogen.
    The politics of rural governance : case studies of rural partnerships in the Netherlands and Wales
    Derkzen, P.H.M. - \ 2008
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Han Wiskerke, co-promotor(en): Bettina Bock; T. Marsden. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085048954 - 170
    politiek - plattelandsontwikkeling - platteland - nederland - wales - plattelandsbeleid - governance - achterhoek - politics - rural development - rural areas - netherlands - wales - rural policy - governance - achterhoek
    All over Europe a `partnership¿ approach to rural development has emerged in recent years. The principle of partnership implied the introduction of a territorial rather than a sectoral approach and a more direct, decentralised relation between the European Commission, governments and other regional and local actors. Despite extensive literature on partnerships in the UK and the Netherlands, there are no comparative studies of rural partnerships in these two countries. The objective of this study is to explore the policy instrument of `partnership¿ for rural policies in the Netherlands and Wales from a comparative and political perspective. The political perspective was elaborated in first, the relationship between the rural partnerships and democratic legitimacy in terms of the possibility of participation and the meaning of representation. And secondly in a focus on how power relations shape partnership processes and how power struggles develop over time. The first conclusion is that particularly the Welsh rural partnerships included more local people and previously excluded groups such as the voluntary sector. In the Dutch rural partnerships other than agricultural interests were included but, a number of exclusionary mechanisms prevented the further inclusion of local citizens and other local groups. Secondly, the concern with the democratic legitimacy of Welsh partnerships through the emphasis on inclusion starkly contrasts the sometimes low levels of decision making in these partnerships. In contrast, the level of decision making in terms of the capacity to make important decisions, was higher in the Dutch partnerships, but there was less concern with inclusion. However, the Dutch cases show a tension and incompatibility between encouraging wider participation and constructing the power relations necessary to realise sectoral policy integration. Thirdly, the Welsh cases showed that it was the civic representatives from the voluntary sector who acted most strongly as representatives of others, whereas public sector members saw themselves as acting more as participants rather than as representatives. Public sector members felt freer to act solely on the basis of their own view or expertise. In such cases, the role of a participant can ¿ contrary to the theory of participatory democracy¿ legitimise and strengthen a free-rider position and enhance organisational elitism. Fourthly, this study shows that if the government bodies responsible for the partnerships refrain from indifference, the existence of politics in partnerships can indicate an element of substantive decision making of at least some involved partnership members. Conflicts, power and politics are therefore also natural features of collaboration. We conclude that partnerships are political arenas that deserve their own democratic rules and procedures including after their establishment by the government. The implementation of rural development will be highly dependent on the partnership dynamics and modes of power that come into play. Rural partnerships have contributed to the contestation of the hegemonic position of agricultural interests in rural areas. However, there is a tendency for a new generation of closed policy communities to emerge, in the form of these rural partnerships. These rural partnerships generally have no or weak rules for access to partnerships over time, or for the length of time a member can be in the partnership. There are limited accountability mechanisms for partnership members and a limited responsiveness to the public or region at large. The democratising effect of establishing these partnerships for rural development will not last if consideration is not given to the democratic governance of these partnerships over time
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