Protecting indigenous land from mining : a study of activist representations of indigenous people, in the context of anti-mining movements, with a focus on an Indian case
Borde, Radhika - \ 2017
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): C. Minca, co-promotor(en): M. Duineveld; B. Blueming. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789463431880 - 113
mining - indigenous people - land use - protest - relations between people and state - ideology - india - mijnbouw - inheemse volkeren - landgebruik - protest - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - ideologie - india
Support for indigenous peoples has been increasing over the last few decades. This can be seen internationally, as well as in several domestic contexts. The support for indigenous people has been linked to the increasingly prominent impetus to conserve the Earth’s biodiversity and environment. Indigenous people are being recognized for their role in protecting the places in which they live in and that they value in cultural or spiritual terms. This recognition has partly fuelled the support for indigenous lifestyles and the related management of resources. These traditional lifestyles are also presented by activists from within these communities, as a critique of mainstream development. This is echoed by the many activists and activist organizations involved in supporting indigenous people’s causes across the world.
A cause that indigenous people have often rallied around is the resistance towards mining on indigenous land. This is a cause that has attracted a significant amount of support, particularly when the land in question had spiritual or cultural value for an indigenous community. Accordingly, there have been several success stories of resistance towards mining on land that indigenous people believed was sacred, in several different continents. This thesis focuses on such narratives in the Indian context. It examines how, why and to what effect, local and international activists got involved in supporting a movement to protect the Niyamgiri Mountain in east-central India from bauxite extraction by Vedanta Resources, a multi-national mining company. The Niyamgiri Mountain was believed to be sacred by the Dongaria Kondh community which lived there and which is generally understood (though not officially recognized) as an indigenous community. The movement, which this thesis refers to as the Niyamgiri Movement, was finally successful – since the mining project was banned by the Indian government. In addition to a focus on this movement, the thesis also compares this movement with the anti-mining movement on the island of Palawan in the Philippines.
Indigenous peoples constitute minority groups in many of the countries in the Global South. It is also common for governments in the Global South to promote mining as an economic development strategy. This has led to frequent conflicts between indigenous peoples and mining companies. In some of the countries in the Global South, such as the Philippines, indigenous peoples are given official recognition. Whereas in others, such as India, there are affirmative action programs targeting groups claiming indigenous identity, as well as special legislations aimed at protecting their land, although no official recognition of the indigenous identity of these groups exists. Despite this, in contexts such as India there is often a general cultural understanding that groups which claim an indigenous identity are in some way ‘primordial’ – to use a word that translates best from the Indian context, in which the terms Adi Vasi (Original/Primordial Dwellers) or Adim Janajati (Primordial Tribes) are commonly used for such groups.
Given that there is at least some degree of cultural acceptance (if not an official recognition) of the indigenous identity of some of the groups that are entering into conflicts with mining companies, an important question relates to the reasons why local activists may get involved in supporting indigenous struggles against mining and how they may understand indigeneity in this context. Another important question is related to the laws that are applicable in local contexts and which may be used to support the struggles of groups that claim indigenous identity. The Forest Rights Act in India is such a law and the thesis explores how it was used in the context of the Niyamgiri Movement. Finally, it is important to consider how people who are not indigenous and who may not have an activist orientation, can be made to take a sympathetic view of indigenous struggles against mining. In the context of the Niyamgiri Movement in India, this thesis explores how creative representations by activists translated the nature religiosity of the Dongaria Kondhs into familiar terms that mainstream popular discourse in India could identify with.
In the thesis, the comparison of the Niyamgiri Movement in India with the anti-mining movement on the island of Palawan in the Philippines examines the way in which social movements in two different nation-state contexts engage with globalized discourses pertaining to the linkages between indigenous issues and conservation discourses. For a deeper examination of the way indigenous people are represented by globalized popular discourses, the thesis examines how images from Hollywood were used to generate sympathy for the Dongaria Kondhs’ cause in the Niyamgiri Movement. An examination of the international activism which supported the Niyamgiri Movement and which has been effective in bringing about the success of the movement i.e. the banning of the mining project on Niyamgiri, is another important focal point of the thesis.
A commitment towards exploring the activist politics that is relevant to the lives of indigenous peoples has inspired this thesis, which seeks to understand effective activist strategies and identify problematic ones in relation to the protection of land with cultural or spiritual value for indigenous peoples. Keeping this in view, it explores the insights provided by different theories, in order to use these to contribute towards orienting activist practice towards greater effectiveness as well as higher self-reflexivity.
Stories becoming sticky : how civic initiatives strive for connection to governmental spatial planning agendas
Stoep, H. van der - \ 2014
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Adri van den Brink; Noelle Aarts. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789461738295 - 282
ruimtelijke ordening - publieke participatie - maatschappelijk middenveld - bestuurskunde - besluitvorming - maatschappelijke betrokkenheid - regionale planning - communicatie - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - burgers - participatie - zuid-holland - krimpenerwaard - zuid-limburg - physical planning - public participation - civil society - public administration - decision making - community involvement - regional planning - communication - relations between people and state - citizens - participation - zuid-holland - krimpenerwaard - zuid-limburg
This thesis aims to understand the phenomenon of self-organizing civic initiatives, how they engage in and connect to planning practices aimed at the improvement of the quality of places and why these connections lead to alteration or transformation of governmental planning agendas or not. By providing greater understanding about these processes the thesis aims to contribute to debates about how planners can improve connections with civil society initiatives and how a more responsive and adaptive attitude towards a dynamically changing society can be achieved.
Conclusions were drawn from two in-depth case-studies of civic initiatives in two Dutch regions: 1) initiatives of business entrepreneurs and experts to develop New Markets which support the cultural landscape of the region Heuvelland, and 2) initiatives of citizens for the protection and development of landscape values in the urban-rural fringe Gouda-Krimpenerwaard. Building on agenda-setting and framing theory the analysis focused on how initiatives self-organized and connected to other stakeholders and how outcomes of their efforts in terms of their ambitions and government agendas could be understood.
The research results point to the crucial role of storytelling and the day-to-day interactions in which stories emerge and become ‘sticky’. Sticky stories are strong ‘attractors’ that mobilize attention and support. The stickiness of a story was enhanced through discursive processes in which the story was connected to the self-referential frames of targeted supporters. Thus, sticky stories could not emerge without empathic listening, timing and patience. Three interplaying conditions were critical in the process of a story becoming sticky or fading away: 1) formal and informal ‘catalytic’ conversations as the medium of storytelling; 2) storytelling by people who perform as connectors and enable the travelling of stories through a wider network, and 3) signalling and incorporating focusing events into evolving stories in ways considered meaningful and relevant by targeted supporters. This results in a model that offers a way to understand dynamical change of policy and planning agendas by focusing on the interactive construction, connection, and subtle alteration of stories in day-to-day conversations, by the right people, at the right moments.
Doen : nieuwe vormen van democratie
Specker, J. ; Hindriks, M. ; Wessel, M.G.J. van - \ 2013
Den Haag : Hivos - 89
democratie - burgers - overheid - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - participatie - democracy - citizens - public authorities - relations between people and state - participation
Dit boek gaat in op vragen over de relatie tussen burgers en overheid en hoe opkomende burgerinitiatieven een rol spelen in representatieve democratie.
Hoezo luistert de overheid (niet)? Burgerperspectieven op overheidsresponsiviteit
Wessel, M. van - \ 2011
Den Haag : MinBZK - Bureau Verkenningen en Onderzoek - 128
overheidsbeleid - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - burgers - attitudes - participatie - reacties - government policy - relations between people and state - citizens - participation - responses
Bestaand onderzoek laat zien dat nogal wat Nederlandse burgers zichzelf onvoldoende herkennen in het handelen van de overheid. Zij menen dat de overheid zich inzet voor andere doelen dan die van burgers. Zij menen dat politici zich weinig aantrekken van de meningen van burgers, voelen zich niet gehoord, zeggen zich niet vertegenwoordigd te voelen. Deze klachten hebben betrekking op de responsiviteit van de overheid. Hiermee bedoelen we: overeenstemming tussen het handelen van de overheid en de wensen en belangen van burgers. Responsiviteit verdient aandacht. Het gaat hier om een belangrijk aspect van de kwaliteit van de democratie en de legitimiteit van overheidshandelen. En het is juist responsiviteit waar de Nederlandse discussie over de kwaliteit van de democratie en de legitimiteit van overheidshandelen om draait. Inzicht hierin is belangrijk voor de overheid. Als we meer zicht krijgen op de politieke en bestuurlijke realiteit zoals burgers die beleven, krijgen we meer grip op fundamentele kwesties waar politiek en bestuur, op allerlei niveaus, voor staan. Wat verwachten burgers nu eigenlijk als het gaat om hun relatie met de overheid, en waarom? Hoe kunnen politiek en bestuur omgaan met die verwachtingen? Hoe kunnen zij eraan bijdragen dat burgers zich beter vertegenwoordigd en gehoord voelen? En hoe kunnen burgers zo betrokken worden bij politiek dat hun verwachtingen beter aansluiten bij wat politiek vermag? Dit onderzoek is dan ook gericht op het ontwikkelen van empirisch onderbouwde aanbevelingen hiervoor: welke denkrichtingen en strategieën zijn het meest zinnig, gezien de perspectieven van burgers op de responsiviteit van de overheid, en hun verwachtingen daarvan?
Petén: ¿la última frontera? : la construcción social de una región
Hurtado Paz y Paz, K.M. - \ 2010
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Jandouwe van der Ploeg, co-promotor(en): Alberto Arce. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085853831 - 303
rurale sociologie - plattelandsontwikkeling - sociale verandering - ontwikkelingsprojecten - sociale economie - plaatselijke bevolking - sociale klassen - migratie - overheidsbeleid - migranten - guatemala - ontwikkelingslanden - centraal-amerika - sociaal conflict - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - strategieën voor levensonderhoud - rural sociology - rural development - social change - development projects - socioeconomics - local population - social classes - migration - government policy - migrants - guatemala - developing countries - central america - social conflict - relations between people and state - livelihood strategies
War veterans in Zimbabwe's land occupations: complexities of a liberation movement in an African post-colonial settler society
Sadomba, W. - \ 2008
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Paul Richards, co-promotor(en): S. Moyo; Kees Jansen. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085049173 - 257
veteranen - belangengroepen - politiek - landbouwhervorming - landbouwgrond - grondbeleid - overheidsbeleid - kolonialisme - imperialisme - conflict - boeren - armoede - sociale verandering - platteland - zimbabwe - geschiedenis - bezetting - westerse wereld - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - politieke conflicten - sociaal conflict - nationale politiek - veterans - interest groups - politics - agrarian reform - agricultural land - land policy - government policy - colonialism - imperialism - conflict - farmers - poverty - social change - rural areas - zimbabwe - history - occupation - western world - relations between people and state - political conflicts - social conflict - national politics
In 2000, Zimbabwe’s century old land movement took a swift turn, rupturing into
nationwide occupation of mainly White owned commercial farms. The speed with
which occupations spread, their organisation, the political and economic context, the
historical origins and interaction of the forces, shaped an unprecedented and
complex land movement impacting on the region, the continent and beyond.
Zimbabwe’s land occupations were unique in two ways. First, the leading role of
War Veterans of the 1970s anti-colonial guerrilla war in the land occupations was
exceptional. Second, the simultaneous challenge to racial, settler economic
dominance and neo-colonialism by marginalised peasants, farm workers, war
veterans, urban youth and the unemployed, was a new experience in post-colonial
history of Africa’s liberation movements. Zimbabwe’s land occupations were a long
continuum of land struggles to resolve the colonial legacy of racial resource
distribution but as they occurred, the role played by the state, the contested terrain of
the civil society, formidable political opposition and imperialist interventions of
western powers clouded the identity of the land movement thereby making it
difficult to distinguish the moving current and the identity of forces from the wider
political conflicts swirling around it. Who exactly initiated the occupations and for
what reasons? This thesis attempts to unpack these intricately locked forces in a bid
to understand their origins, interests, strategies, tactics and above all, the alliances
between and amongst them, for clearer understanding of the core of the movement.
This thesis traces the history of Zimbabwe’s liberation movement as foundation to
understanding political reconfigurations that shaped post independence social
movements and assesses agrarian technology responses to such a dramatic social
change of Africa’s post-colonial settler society. The thesis provokes prognostic
thoughts about the role played by social capital of liberation struggles in future
economic and cultural emancipation from shackles of neo-colonialism and racial,
Administering multifunctional agriculture : a comparison between France and the Netherlands
Daniel, F.J. - \ 2008
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Han Wiskerke, co-promotor(en): D. Perraud. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085049166 - 178
gemeenschappelijk landbouwbeleid - landbouwbeleid - financieel landbouwbeleid - subsidies - milieu - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - innovaties - landbouwsector - frankrijk - nederland - multifunctionele landbouw - landbouwpolitiek - landbouw als bedrijfstak - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - cap - agricultural policy - agricultural financial policy - subsidies - environment - sustainability - innovations - agricultural sector - france - netherlands - multifunctional agriculture - agricultural politics - agriculture as branch of economy - relations between people and state
Sinds de hervormingen van MacSharry, in 1992, heeft de Gemeenschappelijke Landbouw Beleid (GLB) nog diverse ingrijpende veranderingen (transformaties) ondergaan. Aan boeren wordt gevraagd een brede waaier van maatregelen toe te passen, inclusief die welke betrekking hebben op de verbetering van de milieuefficiency, in ruil voor het ontvangen van publieke ondersteuning. In deze studie worden deze ontwikkelingen benaderd vanuit het perspectief van de politieke sociologie; centraal daarbij staat de vraag in hoeverre deze overeenkomsten de relaties tussen boeren en de staat hebben getransformeerd. Subsidies moeten niet worden gezien als een geschenk dat wordt toegekend aan een bevoordeelde sociale groep maar als de hernieuwing van het wederkerige verband tussen maatschappij en de agrarische beroepsgroep. Deze veranderde oriëntatie van het landbouwbeleid impliceert ook bepaalde veranderingen in agrarische praktijken en normen. De plaats en rol van boeren in de maatschappij worden geherdefinieerd; dit proces wordt weerspiegeld in de normatieve aanpassing van professionele praktijken, hetgeen een van de vereiste condities is voor de hernieuwing van het pact tussen boeren en de staat. De bestudering van de ervaringen in Frankrijk en Nederland leidt, in dit proefschrift, tot het inzicht dat deze hernieuwing sterk variabel is
Een noodverband tegen hoog water : waterkennis, beleid en politiek rond noodoverloopgebieden
Roth, D. ; Warner, J.F. ; Winnubst, M. - \ 2006
2006 : Wageningen UR - ISBN 9789081073615 - 159
waterbeleid - waterbeheer - veiligheid - overheidsbeleid - polders - dijken - milieuwetgeving - nederland - bescherming - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - gelderland - governance - water policy - water management - safety - government policy - polders - protection - dykes - environmental legislation - netherlands - relations between people and state - gelderland - governance
Bij problemen rond water, ruimtelijke ordening en de relatie tussen overheid en burger liggen de verhoudingen vaak behoorlijk problematisch. Burgers die tot voor kort nog hun huizen en bomen tegen de vlakte zagen gaan om rivierdijken te versterken, win je niet een-twee-drie voor het idee dat water een feest is. Water is een 'ordenend principe' geworden in de ruimtelijke ordening, met ingrijpende gevolgen voor de relatie tussen overheid en burgers. Aangezien het bij hoogwaterproblemen primair om veiligheid gaat, houdt de overheid in dit geval juist graag de regie over ruimtelijke inrichting in handen. Wat betekent dit in concrete gevallen waar de overheid ruimteclaims legt in het kader van haar hoogwaterbeleid? De discussie over noodoverloopgebieden en het maatschappelijke verzet daartegen bieden een goede gelegenheid om dit spanningsveld te analyseren. Een WUR analyse binnen het programma "Boundaries of space"
Consumentenbeleid dat op de toekomst is voorbereid: bespiegelingen van betrokkenen
Dagevos, H. ; Kroon, S.M.A. van der; Wijk, E.E.C. van - \ 2006
Den Haag : LEI (Rapport / LEI : Domein 7, Gamma, instituties, mens en beleving ) - ISBN 9789086150465 - 62
landbouwbeleid - consumenten - overheidsbeleid - participatie - nederland - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - agricultural policy - consumers - government policy - participation - netherlands - relations between people and state
Deze studie richt zich op een inventarisatie van consumentgerichte praktijkvoorbeelden, binnen en buiten LNV, die gezien mogen worden in het licht van het betrekken van een breed publiek bij beleid. Deze studie is op interviews gebaseerd. Aan de basis ervan liggen de bespiegelingen van 21 beleidsmatig betrokkenen waarmee gesprekken zijn gevoerd. De gespreksgenoten zijn werkzaam bij acht verschillende ministeries. Er is gevraagd welke intenties en ideeën er zijn over het betrekken van burgers-consumenten bij beleid en welke initiatieven en concrete acties worden genomen. This study aims at producing an inventory of consumer-oriented practice examples, both inside and outside LNV, which may be considered in the context of broad public involvement in policy. Interviews formed the basis for the study, which reflects the thoughts of 21 interviewees professionally involved in policy-making. The participants are employed in eight different ministries. They were asked about current intentions and ideas about engaging citizen-consumers in policy and what initiatives and concrete actions are being taken.
Diversiteitsbeleid: (h)erkennen van meerstemmigheid; Een analyse van mogelijkheden van beleid met een diversiteitsfocus
Smits, M.J.W. ; Berg, J. van den - \ 2003
Den Haag : LEI (Rapport / LEI : Domein 7, Gamma, instituties, mens en beleving ) - ISBN 9789052428222 - 62
agrarische economie - overheidsbeleid - diversiteit - sociale gevolgen - nederland - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - agricultural economics - government policy - diversity - social impact - netherlands - relations between people and state
In dit onderzoek wordt aan de hand van concrete voorbeelden getoond wat de mogelijkheden zijn van diversiteitsbeleid voor LNV. De bevolking is heterogeen en het beleid wordt daarmee geconfronteerd. Bovendien heeft men te maken gekregen met een samenleving die kritisch staat tegenover van boven af opgelegd beleid. Het voeren van diversiteitsbeleid houdt in dat men ervan uitgaat dat inspelen op de diversiteit van de bevolking de effectiviteit van de organisatie kan vergroten. Centraal staat dat niemand onbedoeld buitengesloten wordt. Er zijn twee casestudies uitgevoerd. Het betreft ontwikkelingen rondom een Halalkeurmerk en planvorming rondom het gebied De Venen in het Groene Hart. Bij de analyse van deze casestudies staat de vraag centraal wat er zou veranderen of verbeteren of welke mogelijkheden er zouden ontstaan wanneer binnen deze dossiers beleid met een diversiteitsfocus toegepast zou worden.
Praten met het publiek; ontwikkelingen op het terrein van publieksraadpleging in het levensmiddelenbeleid
Folbert, J.P. ; Beekman, V. ; Dagevos, H. - \ 2003
Den Haag : LEI (Rapport / LEI : Domein 6, Beleid ) - ISBN 9789052428062 - 67
overheidsbeleid - wetgeving - openbare mening - public relations - voorlichting - nederland - voedingsmiddelenwetgeving - innovaties - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - government policy - legislation - public opinion - public relations - extension - netherlands - food legislation - innovations - relations between people and state
Dit rapport stelt de vraag op welke wijze het Nederlandse publiek geraadpleegd kan worden in levensmiddelenbeleid en -wetgeving, waarbij voldaan moet worden aan de vereisten van openbaarheid, transparantie en effectiviteit. Het rapport formuleert in die zin aanbevelingen over de mogelijkheden om invulling te geven aan artikel 9 van de General Food Law. Geconcludeerd wordt dat het Ministerie van LNV met een versterking van de bestaande raadplegingsfora in het Regulier Overleg Warenwet en het Consumentenplatform goeddeels aan artikel 9 van de General Food Law zou kunnen voldoen.
|Power, community and the state: the political anthropology of organisation in Mexico
Nuijten, M.C.M. - \ 2003
London (etc.) : Pluto Press (Anthropology, culture and society ) - ISBN 9780745319476 - 227
politiek - organisaties - recht - landhervorming - corruptie - mexico - staat - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - netwerken - politics - organizations - law - land reform - corruption - mexico - state - relations between people and state - networks
Irrigation Practices, State Intervention and Farmers' Life- Worlds in Drought-Prone Tigray, Ethiopia
Teshome, W. - \ 2003
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): N.E. Long; Linden Vincent. - Wageningen : Wageningen - ISBN 9789058089458 - 230
ontwikkelingsstudies - rurale sociologie - overheidsbeleid - landbouwbeleid - agrarische planning - irrigatiesystemen - landbouwhuishoudens - Ethiopië - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - voedselzekerheid - development studies - rural sociology - government policy - agricultural policy - agricultural planning - irrigation systems - agricultural households - Ethiopia - relations between people and state - food security
This study examines irrigation practices, state intervention and the responses of farmers in theTigrayregion of
Two theoretical perspectives are combined: asociotechnicalapproach to irrigation and an actor-oriented analysis of the dynamics of state intervention. The former helps to explore irrigation management practices and the social effects of the technology used. Irrigation constitutes an arena of struggle where social actors negotiate and make decisions about technology and water management. The latter perspective focuses on the confrontations and interpretations of intervention as defined by the different actors and their contrasting life-worlds. A case study method is employed to investigateHewaneand Gum Selassa irrigation systems located in the drought-prone region ofTigray. The methodology used is largely ethnographic, that is it is concerned with understanding the social lives of local people and discovering how they construct meanings and livelihood practices in the natural, economic and socio-political settings in which they are located.
The thesis consists of eight chapters. The first outlines the conceptual and theoretical approaches used and lays out the main research questions that guide the study and its methodological considerations. Chapter 2 provides an account of the context of the research and an overview of agrarian policies and conditions, drought and famine situations, and irrigation development and technology choices. A brief historical account shows that none of the various government policies pursued over the previous thirty years has enabled
Chapter 3 describes irrigation management practices and the struggle to preserve irrigated areas threatened by soil erosion inHewane. The management of irrigation schemes under contrasting state regimes in
Chapter 4 discusses government-initiated irrigation intervention through the construction of the Gum Selassa irrigation system. LikeHewane, the approach adopted was top-down and entailed the pooling and redistribution of farmers' holdings, despite the widespread skepticism about irrigation expressed by local people. Also likeHewane, the local government bureaucracy became embedded in irrigation management. The end result, however, was poor water control methods that have given rise to water scarcity in the irrigation system which now threaten farmers' livelihoods. Over the past six years there has been a serious scarcity of water, with the percentage of the plot holders not receiving water fluctuating between 21 and 85 percent.
Chapter 5 falls into three sections. The first section is a detailed description of irrigated agriculture in Gum Selassa andHewane. It covers agricultural tasks and seasons and the crops cultivated in the irrigated fields and their yields. In bothHewaneand Gum Selassa irrigation production has increased by taking advantage of modern agricultural inputs such as fertilizers and improved seeds. Although regional government officials highlight these increases in yield under irrigation, yields remain low for cash crops such as tomatoes and onions, and uncertain for maize as the main food crop. The second and third sections focus on household production dynamics and the practice ofWoferit(sharecropping). The government's assumption that the plot holders would cultivate the irrigated plots themselves was not realized. Water users are widely involved in sharecropping: in Gum Selassa, 54 percent of the irrigators and inHewane, 40 percent leased out their plots, with a higher proportion of female than male plot holders doing so. Due to sharecropping, a large majority of plot holders receive only one-fourth or one-third of the harvest reaped from their leased out plots, and between 70 and 80 percent of households consumed all their grain within four to seven months. Indeed a deficit in household food is a serious problem among these plot holders and many are forced to seek work aslabourersfrom outside. Hence, the practice ofwoferit(sharecropping) in both irrigation systems highlights the vulnerabilities of agricultural livelihoods and the differentiated life worlds of different local actors involved in irrigated agriculture.
Chapter 6 discusses the coping strategies commonly adopted during drought and famine situations at household level inHewaneand Gum Selassa. Such strategies span a combination of four types of strategy: a reductive strategy (i.e. an attempt to reduce expenditure and consumption), a depleting strategy (where the household gradually depletes its resources), a maintaining strategy and a regenerative strategy. At times of severe food shortage, the most important maintaining strategy is that of accessing food relief.The study also shows that rainfed farming has been and still remains the main source of livelihood for many local people.
Chapter 7 examines the arena of 'coercive persuasion' pertaining to the widespread diffusion of chemical fertiliser use in ruralTigray. Its aggressive promotion by extension workers and local government officials has led not only to a degree of scepticism and resistance among farmers as to its effectiveness, but also to farmers distancing themselves from the direct cultivation of their irrigable plots, in favour of leasing them out under sharecropping agreements. This takes place in the context of the growing vogue for programmes of 'Participatory Demonstration and Training Extension Systems' in theHewaneand Gum Selassa irrigation schemes. These programmes show how government- induced 'participation' has spearheaded coercive strategies in the implementation of public works such as dam construction and soil and water conservation.
Finally, in chapter 8, I pull together the findings and implications of the research by identifying other measures (besides the development and improvement of irrigation systems) that must be put into place in order to mitigate drought-induced food shortages.
Política local y formación del estado: Procesos históricos de formación de espacios y sujetós sociales en un municipio rural Mexicano, 1914-1998
Zendejas Romero, J.S. - \ 2003
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): N.E. Long. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789058089205 - 497
plattelandssamenleving - plattelandsgemeenschappen - sociale verandering - plaatselijke bevolking - geschiedenis - steden - grondeigendom - politiek - mexico - sociale relaties - staat - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - rural society - rural communities - social change - local population - history - towns - land ownership - politics - mexico - social relations - state - relations between people and state
This dissertation deals with the participation of different social groups in unending historical processes of formation of a series of spaces of social relations of which they themselves are part —such as their rural villages and corporate landholding organisations. It focuses on the unequal and conflictive participation of diverse local groups in the founding, transformation and conservation of various specific social spaces that have been very important for their livelihoods during most of the twentieth century. In other words, we analyse how different local groups have engaged in historical processes of construction of a part of the specific social conditions of their social action anchored in —but not restricted to— a rural zone in western Mexico.
This study takes on several analytical challenges that go beyond its ethnographic specificities. It centres on the relationship among the social practices of particular human groups, certain specific spaces of social relations, and the historical processes of formation and redefinition of those groups, practices, spaces and relationships among them —both in economic, political and identity terms. From a supplementary perspective, we propose an analysis of the historical processes of construction and redefinition of the shifting set of particular spaces of social relations ( social field ) with respect to which said groups, practices and institutions they rely upon become intelligible as socially produced and producing —constituent and constituting. Thus, neither the specific social spaces nor the social field are determined a priori .
What are the implications of this theoretical stance for pervasive notions of the State as an acting entity, agent, actor or organization distinct from other social actors, from "society" or from "civil society"? In order to answer this question, we had to weave an ethnographic study of the conflictive participation of social groups in historical processes of construction of specific social spaces of which they themselves are part with the elaboration of a concept of local politics and clarification of the concept of
Tegelijkertijd en tussendoor : gender, plattelandsontwikkeling en interactief beleid
Bock, B.B. - \ 2002
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): J.D. van der Ploeg; J. van Doorne-Huiskes. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058085856 - 206
plattelandsontwikkeling - man-vrouwrelaties - positie van de vrouw - overheidsbeleid - plattelandsvrouwen - besluitvorming - participatie - nederland - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - rural development - gender relations - woman's status - rural women - participation - decision making - government policy - netherlands - relations between people and state
This study sets out to explain the specific character of women's participation in rural development. Its focuses on the fact that although rural women take an active part in practical initiatives they do not figure in the process of rural policy decision making, neither do they make use of those policy instruments meant to stimulate bottom-up innovative initiatives. The absence of women in the policy process is surprising, as the participation of rural inhabitants is one of the primary objectives of the Dutch government's new, interactive model of policy making.
A two-fold approach is used to analyse the manner in which women participate. The general framework employed here to analyse and understand rural development is derived from endogenous rural development theory. Emphasis is put on the role rural inhabitants' play in the process of change. Rural development does not just happen to them or emerge as a result of development policy. It is co-produced and defined by rural peoples' activities and initiatives. The specific line of action women follow in this process is studied from a rational choice perspective. The rational choice approach fits in with the endogenous theory of rural development as both approaches presuppose purposeful and goal-oriented behaviour in men and women and their ability to overcome restrictions. As this study assumes, this agency is reflected in the choices women make. Analysing the choice process can explain why women prefer different solutions to men and looks beyond the exclusion of women from the policy process. By analysing the considerations that motivate rural women to follow a specific approach, it is possible to respect the agency of women but to take external factors beyond their control into account as well.
This approach also provides an opportunity to clarify the meaning of gender within endogenous rural development theory and to explain the interaction between gender and endogenous development. The following questions must, therefore, be answered. First, how can we explain the inequality in the chances open to women and men when it comes to participating in rural development within a theoretical framework that presupposes the goal-oriented behaviour of actors and their ability to overcome restrictions. Given this assumption it would be reasonable to expect that both sexes would be able to take part in the process of change. This first question leads directly to a second. It is often assumed that the endogenous model of development offers women a better chance of active participation than other exogenous development models. Is this assumption correct?
The objectives of this study include an analysis of how the introduction of the interactive governance model has affected the participation of women. The expectation was that interactive politics (like endogenous development) would provide women with more opportunities for participation. However, this has not been theoretically elaborated or empirically tested.
1 Research questions
The research questions explored draw on the results of several research projects. These studies have examined Dutch rural women 's participation in rural development from different perspectives - the initiatives taken by rural women take themselves, their representation in the policy process and the way they use policy instruments. As a result it is possible to get a thorough picture of women's role in the development process and to understand the interrelation between different facets.
Initially two hypotheses were formulated. These seek to explain the behaviour of women, first as a reaction to not having the resources necessary to access the policy process, and second as the desire of women to generate extra benefits by choosing a practice-oriented participation mode. The empirical results confirm the relevance of the chosen theoretical approach but also give reason to change and further elaborate the hypotheses.
Research question 1
Why do most rural women prefer to participate in rural development by way of practical initiatives?
The study demonstrates that the approach women choose is characterised by a specific pattern of activities rather than by a clear-cut preference of a certain type of initiatives. Other than might be expected women do not only undertake economic or social initiatives but develop political ones as well. Furthermore, they do not always act as individuals: they take collective action as well. Women do design all their activities in a similar way. Their initiatives are generally small scale and informal in organisation. Their participation in activities is non-committal. This ensures that any activity undertaken will fit into the multi-tasking scheme that typifies a rural woman's responsibilities.
When it comes to economic business most women prefer to act on their own. By keeping things in their own hands they want to limit financial risk. By performing their tasks ' simultaneously and in between ' they want to prevent the farm and their families from suffering because of their new commitments. Their political initiatives take place in the informal political sphere: outside established political structures and within loosely structured voluntary groups in which they participate as private individuals and not as ' representatives ' .
These groups often concentrate on practical problems in women's direct environment. However, women co-operate for other reasons as well. In their groups liked-minded women exchange knowledge and experience and offer each other moral support in dealing with the critical attitude of many of their colleagues, relatives and even friends. As a result of their informal and small-scale nature, women's activities and groups often remain unseen by policy makers. These gatekeepers of the policy process do not know of the initiatives being taken by women and women's groups and do not acknowledge their political character. As a result they do not perceive rural women as relevant participants in the policy process.
As might be expected women choose their course of action because they assess the costs involved to be low and expect that the activities will fit easily in their other responsibilities. In doing so they take the existing gender-specific division of labour in agriculture and rural society as their point of reference, and the traditional norms and values that confirm this division. By starting their new activities cautiously and out of sight, women try to come up to the traditional standards of good behaviour.
But in the course of time women's behaviour generally changes and begins to bear more resemblance to the way men approach development matters. This is especially true when new economic activities are being considered for the farm. Although women start their activities in a small and cautious way, they prepare themselves for making bigger investments and professionalising their business in the long run. This is a result of the re-evaluation of the costs and benefits experienced. Some of the initially important costs lose importance whereas some of the benefits regain significance. Women learn that their approach may lead to additional problems because working methods are not efficient or result in a huge workload, stress and loss of time. Moreover, the chosen line of action may not be able to guarantee that certain costs can be prevented. Many women have, for example, found that people will criticise their initiatives whatever precautions they may take. However, when backed up by the knowledge that others appreciate their activities and motivated by the satisfaction derived from seeing their ambitions realised, women become capable of detaching themselves from their traditional environment. The supportive attitude of their own partner is of particular importance as is the backing they find in co-operating with other women.
The cost-reducing character of the way women participate can explain why women have chosen for a specific line of action. At the same time, however, it seems to be a temporary solution and typical of a starters ' model. Although the choice is limited in the beginning and the preference for a cautious start self-evident, the room for manoeuvre expands over time. Women take an active part in this expansion by creating and collecting extra resources, mobilising moral support and by developing a more self-conscious and independent attitude. This is the moment when external and policy-driven support should be offered. But up to now policy makers have not taken the characteristic women's approach with its typical dynamic into account.
Research question 2
Why does the introduction of an interactive governance model hardly affect women's involvement in rural development whereas its primary objective is to promote bottom-up participation?
The study demonstrates that the interactivity of the rural governance process is still very limited. It is mainly the government and the established political organisations that develop and implement rural policy. Economic problems and interests continue to attract the most attention and to determine the selection of political players. Women's access to the policy process remains restricted as many of the structures and rules of the old (neo-corporate) governance-model are still in operation. Consequentially the door continues to be closed to all those who do not possess the relevant political resources. The culture of the governance process has hardly changed. It is still dominated by disagreements and conflicting interests. These residues of traditional governance restrict women's access and hinder the functioning of those few women who do succeed in entering the policy process.
However, attempts to renew rural policy and governance have not been totally unsuccessful. The policy process is moving in a new direction. This is especially true for policy implementation that is being handled in a more interactive way. The implementation structures have become more informally organised and are therefore more accessible for rural inhabitants. In addition, an important task of the implementation committees is to communicate with rural inhabitants. Rural women participate relatively often in these committees, which confirms the positive relation between interactive policy making and governance on the one hand and the participation of women on the other. Women's influence on the content of policy is still limited, however, because the formulation and implementation of policy remain separate and women seldom succeed in entering the policy formulation process.
Engagement in the policy process carries high costs for women. There is the material expense of childcare and travel, for example, and rural women's organisations are generally unable to cover these costs sufficiently. Even more important though are the non-material costs that arise as a result of the opposition and resistance rural women and their organisations encounter when they demonstrate their political ambitions. The general disapproval of politically active women within the agricultural sector is an important factor. In addition, the established farm unions are afraid that separate representation of men and women will lead to conflicts of interest. Farm unions want to form a block of common agricultural interests against other interest groups and they put pressure on women to conform to this strategy. For many (farm) women this results in an inner struggle and high and painful costs as they feel they are being pushed to choose between loyalty to farming and loyalty to rural women.
The expectation that women will have different ideas about rural development than men provides regional governments with an important motive for involving women in the decision-making process. The potential conflict of interests between men and women may thus positively affect women's participation. The government's dominant position in the selection of participants may also work in favour of women's participation. However, here rural women's organisations confront a difficult dilemma. By following their own course of action as far as rural development is concerned, their chances of political participation increase, their political influence is strengthened and governmental support is gained. At the same time, however, they run the risk of loosing the support of the farm union. The alternative is to choose the side of established agricultural organisations and run the risk of putting the justification for women's separate representation on the line and of loosing the chance to defend the specific interests of rural women. Individual women, who succeed in entering the political arena, encounter similar problems. They find it extremely difficult maintaining themselves in this arena because the justification and value of their input is continuously under dispute.
It cannot be concluded from this study that women do not prefer to participate in formal politics. However, the fact that political participation carries high costs supports the assumption that participation in the policy process is not attractive for most women. Participation in the informal rural development arena involves fewer costs. In addition in the eyes of many women this type of participation carries a greater chance of success because it focuses on finding solutions to concrete problems.
The high fence between the policy process on the one hand and the initiatives of ordinary rural inhabitants on the other are of importance too. Because of the lack of contact between policy and practice, the policy makers and the policy process remain invisible and unknown to most rural people. The prevalent distrust of politics in general and rural policy in particular play an important role here as well. The decision of women to restrict their involvement in rural development to their own backyard can thus count on more approval in their environment than a decision to get involved in policy making and co-operating with government to formulate governmental rural policy.
Research question 3
Why do rural women make hardly any use of the instruments the government installed to promote and support bottom-up initiatives?
Women make very little use of government subsidies. Moreover, in comparison to men, their proposals have little chance of approval. As expected this is to some extent the result of women's lack of the resources (time, money and contacts) that, de facto, regulate access to government subsidies. More important still is that the subsidy scheme presupposes a line of action and development model that is at odds with the approach preferred by women. As a result, from the start, women's projects have very little chance of being considered sufficiently innovative or worthy of subsidies. The instruments installed by government are, therefore, of little use to women. The same is true for others who may choose a similar approach. As the approach women prefer and the endogenous developmental approach are very similar, it can be concluded that the main Dutch rural development subsidy scheme is unsuitable for the promotion and support of endogenous development.
Whether the inaccessibility of subsidies motivates women to choose a different course of action right from the start cannot be deduced directly from an analysis of the subsidy scheme. However, it is very likely taking into account the many activities women develop without asking for subsidies. Moreover, women do not consider the rejection of a proposal to be a reason for giving up their activities. Seeing that they cannot access extra finance, women will return to their original, gradual and step-by-step model of innovation. The Dutch government shows little appreciation and support for this kind of innovation and paradoxically, it is just this attitude that continuously reconfirms and reproduces this type of women's approach and action. By refusing access to external resources, the government forces women either to break-off their initiatives or look for alternative solutions. In this way the different behaviour patterns of women and men are sustained and their differences in resources, status and position within the development process reinforced.
2 The choice of women's approach of rural development
Within the endogenous theory of rural development is has been impossible to explain why the course of action chosen by women is different to that chosen by men. This is because the endogenous approach presupposes the goal-oriented behaviour of actors but does not elaborate it any further theoretically. In this study it is tried to do this by analysing the behaviour of women from a rational choice perspective and by integrating additional theoretical concepts. In this way the different behaviour of women can be better understood and explained taking the unequal position of women and men into account without loosing sight of women's agency.
Rural women are just as capable as rural men of acting purposefully and in a goal-oriented way to overcome restrictions. The conditions under which they take decisions and act, however, differ because of the unequal position occupied women in society. Rural women do not only experience different restrictions to men but these restrictions have another significance. Rural women have limited access to economic and political resources and this together with the gender-specific norms governing proper behaviour play a particularly important role. Moreover, gender-specific behavioural rules affect the goals of both men and women and their relative importance. In short, the difference in resources, goals and priority of goals have to been taken into account as does the different and gender-specific distribution of costs, benefits and chances of success associated with specific lines of actions. As a result women and men have different amounts of space in which to manoeuvre. In typical male domains such as politics, women have a very limited amount of room to manoeuvre even if there is no sign of direct exclusion or prohibitions. Rural women may choose to take part in the policy process, but getting access will result in higher costs for women than for men. The alternative, more cautious women's approach invokes less resistance, is less expensive and offers, many women claim, more chance of success. A more even balance of costs and benefits explains why women's prefer such an approach.
The circumstances under which women make choices change over time and in part as a result of women's behaviour. Women expand their room for manoeuvre by generating extra resources and re-evaluating the importance of costs and benefit. Moreover, they distance themselves from the traditional behavioural code prominent in their environment and become less concerned about criticism from others. As a result different modes of behaviour become possible.
By making use of the concepts described above it becomes possible to explain why women and men act and participate in rural development in different ways and to understand the reasons for these differences. The application of a rational choice-perspective allows us not only to clarify the gender-specific character of the rural development process but also to identify the other inequalities that determine the chances of participation and the way in which it occurs. From this study it is clear that it is precisely by choosing their own and different solutions that actors express their ability to act despite the presence of restrictions. Acting in a different way can, therefore, be explained as a decision that actors take in favour of a particular participation mode because it is the one that best fits in with their circumstances. How much chance different participation modes have of influencing the development process will depend on its social and political context and the social position of the actors concerned. This also explains why differences in participation mode and chances between (groups of) actors reproduce other (social) differences as well. The agency of actors is limited by the restrictions that control access to all sorts of resources and which reflect status and position in society. The reward and disapproval of others is another important determinant of action.
3 Gender, endogenous development and interactive governance
Rural women's approach to rural development resembles the endogenous approach in mechanisms and intrinsic logic. This is especially true where new farm activities are concerned and here the endogenous model seems to be the women's line of development par excellence. Taking this observation as a point of departure policy makers ' recognition and promotion of endogenous development could be expected to entail an approval of women's approach to rural development as well. Moreover, their policy could be expected to offer women good opportunities to participate in the mainstream development process.
A similar line of argument leads to the expectation that interactive governance and policy making will promote rural women's involvement. The informalisation of political structures, broadening of the political agenda and clearance of traditional restrictions, should render the policy process more accessible for rural women. It should, moreover, attract more women as it gives more room to the more informal political manner of rural women and the political issues that have their specific interest. An interactive policy model is not, however, only of interest to women. Because of the increasing possibilities of co-operation between policy makers and rural people, interactive politics are also considered a prerequisite of successful endogenous development.
The access the endogenous development model and an interactive policy and governance process grant to rural women results in the first place from the approval and recognition of participation modes previously considered deviant and irrelevant. Secondly, both models foresee a fundamental change in processes and structures, which traditionally hampered the participation of women. In short, the organisational structure and ideological framework from which behaviour is evaluated have changed. And with the entrance of different political actors and rules the distribution of power and influence changes as well. Theoretically, rural women should get not only more appreciation for their involvement in rural development but more voice in the process as well.
This study, however, demonstrates that in reality this has only been achieved to a very limited degree. In part this is due to the fact that the fundamental renewal of the development and policy process, for which many policy documents have pleaded, has by and large remained rhetoric. In reality many of the traditional obstacles rural women experience have survived, together with old political structures, processes and definitions. Policy instruments offer those submitters who follow the rural women's or endogenous approach, little support as the instruments are build on the assumption of the traditional development model. The policy process has hardly changed and rural women have less access to policy negotiations compared to those men who represent the traditional governmental partners. Other newcomers have difficulty in passing through the traditional gateway too. However, it is rural women who experience the most opposition as they fight against the prejudices that would marginalise them as political irrelevant and ignorant.
But even if the endogenous development model were followed strictly, the equal participation of rural women would still not be guaranteed. As far as individual women are concerned, the endogenous model offers new opportunities for participation and acknowledgement. It is when the switch is made from the individual to the collective and regional development level envisaged in the endogenous model that it becomes clear that women face more obstacles than men. As this study demonstrates rural women groups do not only operate on a small scale, they remain stuck in the informal arena as well. They rarely meet administrators, policy makers or the well-known carriers of regional development in their own environment. Consequentially they have little chance to take part in formal policy making and to affect the rural development process as a whole. This is particularly so when the renewal of the policy process lags behind and traditional mechanisms and processes continue to function.
However, even where there has been a successful renewal of governance, rural women still experience many disadvantages and restrictions as a result of their unequal position in (rural) society. The government's responsibility as far as rural women's participation is concerned, therefore, goes beyond the invitation of women (or other new groups) to take part in decision-making and the adaptation of political structures and processes. It is also responsible for creating the preconditions that will allow rural women's participation to be successful and effective. The government should, therefore, offer material support to the representatives of new and not (yet) well-established organisations that still need this kind of support. Furthermore it should make sure that the input of newcomers is respected and taken seriously by all participants.
Despite these remarks it must be said that the introduction of the endogenous development model and the interactive model of governance and policy making is an important step forward in promoting rural women's participation. Until recently, efforts to advance equal participation generally consisted of little more that extra support that would enable women to behave more like men. This compensation has not only been insufficient in most cases but has merely served to reconfirm the status of women as stay-behind and needy persons. The introduction of a new development and governance model implies the deconstruction of restrictions that are intrinsic to traditional structures and processes. Still more important is that the new model breaks through the traditional images and definitions of relevant participation and participants. Within the new development policy rural women's different behaviour does not necessarily imply less respect and less influence anymore. By considering women's way of participation to be equal to men's and by offering women equal conditions for influencing the development and policy process, the government is supporting the realisation of more equal gender relations in agriculture and rural society as a whole. For lasting development this is an important precondition.
De glazenwassers van het bestuur. Lokale overheid, massamedia, burgers en communicatie. Groningen in landelijk perspectief 1945 - 2001
Hajema, L.H. - \ 2001
Assen : Van Gorcum - 447
plaatselijk bestuur - overheid - bestuur - informatie - communicatie - massamedia - nederland - geschiedenis - regering - groningen - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - local government - government - public authorities - administration - information - communication - mass media - history - netherlands - groningen - relations between people and state
|Communicatie en interactieve beleidsvorming
Woerkum, C.M.J. van - \ 2000
Alphen aan den Rijn : Samsom - ISBN 9789014065526 - 138
overheidsbeleid - besluitvorming - regering - bedrijfsvoering - overheid - overheidsorganisaties - politiek - participatie - nederland - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - government policy - decision making - government - management - public authorities - government organizations - politics - participation - netherlands - relations between people and state
Vaak gaat het zo: de overheid maakt volgens haar eigen inzicht en deskundigheid een plan en probeert daar via communicatie draagvlak voor te krijgen. In dit boek "Communicatie en interactieve beleidsvorming" legt Van Woerkom uit waarom een dergelijke werkwijze zelden effectief is. Het plan wordt niet geaccepteerd en in de relatie tusse overheid en burger komt (weer) een barst. Sooms laten burgers hun ongenoegen merken. Meestal reageren ze apatisch en onverschillig. Maar ook de overheid is lang niet altijd responsief, al zien we zelden nog een hooghartige reactie van de regent. Gelukkig is in de praktijk menigeen bezig om de relatie te verbeteren. Interactieve beleidsvorming wordt de norm.
Trekkers naast de trap : een zoektocht naar de dynamiek in de relatie tussen boer en overheid
Hees, E. - \ 2000
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): J.D. van der Ploeg; J. de Vries. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058083234 - 181
boeren - regering - relaties - landbouwbeleid - belangengroepen - nederland - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - farmers - government - relationships - interest groups - agricultural policy - netherlands - relations between people and state
This book describes a sociological expedition to the core of the relationship between farmers and government in the Netherlands. It focuses on the concept of mediation of agricultural policies between government and the farming target group. A starting point in this expedition is the rejection of the idea of policy-formation as a rational-synoptical chronology, in which policy is the result of a well-defined rational choice by politicians and administrators from different scenario's. Instead, policy formation in this context is understood as an incremental process: policies as a result of interaction between context induced actors. However, instead of being coincidental the interactions show up patterns of regularity that formed the motivation for this study.
Policy mediation is defined as:the interrelated moments of preparation, formation, implementation and evaluation of policies,which by means of interactive processes, in which various actors (public servants, politicians, citizens, farmers, etc.) participate with their groups and projects (strategically),are geared to one another in such a manner, thatexactly therefore a legitimacy is obtained which otherwise would definitely be absent.
The target group of agricultural policies is a so-called difuse one. That is, in need of intermediary structures able to mediate policies. The Dutch Agricultural Board (Landbouwschap) played this intermediary structure role between 1954 en 1996, when it promptly disappeared.
In the meantime, several farmers' cooperative initiatives in one way or another have assumed the role of intermediary organizations. Central government tended to standardize their attitude towards these structures, in order to manage the policy mediation fluently. The objective of this investigation, however, is to analize and maintain the diversity of intermediary organizations. The reason is the assumption that succesful policy mediation depends on the taking account of the specifity of each structure.
The central questions therefore are:in which different arrangements has the mediation of agricultural policies taken place so far,by which means could be obtained more success in terms of dynamic and legitimated policy mediation.
Chapter 2 provides a theoretical approach of the relation between farmer and government, defining it as a particularisation of the relation between actor and structure. Instead of adhering to dualistic theories, which focus upon the complete determination of the individual by its surrounding structure (determinism) or upon the complete absence of such a determination (voluntarism), this study prefers duality as a key concept. Duality focuses upon the co-existence of contraint and enableness of the individual versus itssurrounding structure. Individuals actively make and remake social structure.
The relation between citizen and government is subject of a process of legitimation. Public administration and policies are legitimized by:the procedure, with given objectives (the instrumental side of legitimation);the objectives of policies (the social contract side); andthe interchange of both.
The chapter ends up presenting a social scientific tool to capture this legitimation process: policy-mediation.
In chapter 3 policy mediation is surveyed in the Dutch socio-cultural heritage. In the Netherlands a strong tradition of subsidiarity and functional decentralization was founded in past centuries. The social charter of neo-corporatism is known because of its emphasis on consensus, compromise and consultation.
Growing claims, policy overload, role distortions between public and private parties and he public opinion have shocked the traditional charter and caused a legitimation problem. Different answers are possible, varying from enforcening the state to enforcening the consensus model. In this report, there is a strong case for investing more in interdependency and participative democracy. The Dutch case shows different examples: coproduction of local policies, convenants between public governement and private parties, the socalled Green Polder Model. Although there is room for doubt because of (a) gaps between frontiers ans crowds, (b) interaction used only for self-interest. That is the risks of pseudo-participation. Therefore, field investigations are urgently needed.
In chapter 4 an overview is given of the legitimation of agricultural policies in the Netherlands since the 19th century. The co-production tradition of farmers' organizations and central government, founded on a consensus about (a) the type of agricultural development to be nagestreefd, and (b) the need of consultation and compromise, ended up in a policy-community or - more precisely - iron triangle between farmers-leaders, ministry of agriculture and national politicians. From the late 60's, tensions grew between these parties and the iron triangle eroded. A vacuum in policy mediation became clear. Farmers reacted by protest, adaptation, individual initiatives and creating new collectivities, that became seeds of new arrangements. The following chapters describe the investigation of these new arrangements.
Chapter 5 is a methodological intermezzo. It motivates why the sociological expedition is founded in daily reality, by describing caracteristics of factual initiatives as many and as detailed as necessary to get a sharp distinction between policy arrangements.
In chapter 6 and 7 an inventory is made of the variation of possible arrangements, making use of 14 real collectivities in the Dutch countryside between 1980 and 1997. By adopting a cluster analysis 6 different arrangements are identified: product cooperative, horzelorganisation, farmers' association, policy cooperative, investigation cooperative and sindical organisation.
Describing various cases in the Netherlands, in chapter 8 each arrangement is examined on its potential in terms of producing more dynamics in policy mediation. Chapter 9 also examines this potential, but now by evaluating an official policy experiment with 8 socalled environmental cooperatives (milieucoöperaties) from 1995 to 1999.
In chapter 10, the conclusions of the expedition are summarized. The experiences of farmers' collectivities up to 1997 make clear that the state and its institutions (first of all the ministry of agriculture) are rather confused when defining an attitude against the calls for self-regulation that come from below. The state seems to get paralyzed by pleas for self-regulation on one side and the necessity to maintain principles of Good Governance on the other, one of which is gelijkberechtiging. Tailor-made policy solutions may come in conflict with the tendency to govern unilaterally from a cockpit.
By way of recommendations, several triggers are derived from the expedition process, triggers that may give impetus to a more dynamic and prosperous relation between government and farmers. First of all, the actual situation should be understood better and more systematically by all of the parties involved. Potentials for succesful policy-mediation often aren't recognized as such.
Next, cooperative initiatives shouldn't be put in one category too soon. Regionality, local culture and specifity are important factors for succes in policy-mediation along more selfregulation. The recognition and admission of the role local initiatives can play in succesful policy-arrangements should result in more incentives instead of penalties. State institutions should provoke and belonen a more entrepreneurial attitude of farmers. Another factor that may trigger a more dynamic relationship is the maintenance of the face-to-face caracter of policy-mediation. The personal committment of the parties involved, crucial within the agricultural population with so many individual interests and responsabilities, depends on the involvement of face-to-face contacts. This means more emphasis should be laid on local government instead of national.
|The challenge of diversity : indigenous peoples and reform of the state in Latin America
Assies, W. ; Haar, G. van der; Hoekema, A. - \ 2000
Amsterdam : Thela Thesis - ISBN 9789055380459 - 315
politiek - innovaties - latijns-amerika - regering - politieke systemen - etniciteit - staat - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - political systems - politics - government - innovations - ethnicity - latin america - state - relations between people and state
Re-humanizing the development process : on participation, local organizations and social learning as building blocks of an alternative development view in Algeria
Malki, M. - \ 1999
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): D.B.W.M. van Dusseldorp. - S.l. : Malki - ISBN 9789058080356 - 332
plattelandsontwikkeling - ontwikkelingsplanning - participatie - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - algerije - staat - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - rural development - development planning - participation - sustainability - algeria - state - relations between people and state
This study concerns agricultural development planning and policy-making in the context of post-independent Algeria, which went unquestioned for more than three decades. Algeria won its independence in 1962 after 132 years of French colonization. A post-independence State was formed, taking over the colonial power, and set a centralized planning for economic and social development.
In the agricultural sector, the effects of this planning model were far-reaching and turned a potential agricultural country par excellence into one of the most net importers of food in the developing world.
The onset of this study sterns from the questioning of whether planning, as a fundamental item of the development process, and in addition of being inspired by de-humanizing philosophy and methods, can still be seen as a mere technical discipline. The response of this study is that development planning and policymaking is not only a technical discipline but certainly a political process. By deduction, the development process was and could never be apolitical.
The study tries to describe how the influence of different political actors, in particular, and the political system, in general, shape the outcomes of the development process. To achieve this, the study compares two sets of development actions (policies, programmes and projects) planned and implemented under two different political perspectives: the first set represents the authoritarian regime era (1962-1988), based on the one-party system and an arrogant interventionist bureaucracy; the second introduces some development actions conducted during the transitory process of democratization (1988-1998). The study describes in parallel the changes introduced by the process of democratization and how these influenced the conventional development vision adopted by the state in postindependent Algeria.
In more a detailed explanation, the study starts first by describing the shortcomings of the conventional development thinking and the different influences that the Algerian development planning system underwent since the independence time. Then, it develops the research hypotheses which will orient the comparison of the two set of development actions presented in this book. Finally, it reflects on the advantages offered by an alternative development view, based on participation, local organizations and social learning, and their effects on the issue of sustainability. In this study, the conceptualization of sustainability refers to the "critical triangle of sustainability" (Oram et al , 1998:1).
The basic assumption of this study is that the main condition for a development action to secure some substantial and sustainable outcome resides in the fulfillment of the four following prerequisites formulated by van Dusseldorp (1992:12):
1. The possibility of formulating a consistent, realistic and durable set of objectives , which is acceptable to all, or at least to a large majority of the people who will be involved in/or and affected by the planned development;
In most development actions designed for and implemented in Third World countries, these prerequisites were never completely fulfilled, especially in people-centered development actions. More clearly put, in some development actions, sorne prerequisites might have been fulfilled to some extent, but others have never been fulfilled, even to a very small extent. In fact, in the general case, objectives were ill-defined and top-down decided; knowledge was mobilized in a very reductionist way - most of time supposedly rational/scientific - with a complete denial of people's knowledge; means and power were never sufficiently made available, and when available, were not fairly distributed among the needy ones; and finally, the political will was never concretized unless the development action in concern aimed to incorporate, encapsulate and increase control over rural populations, or at sustaining an actual status quo in benefit of the powerful actors.
In this context, the study suggests that integration of some features, such as participation , either directly (individually) or indirectly (through local organizations ), on the one hand; and social learning , (either as a flexibility in the project design and implementation and/or as a monitoring & evaluation mechanism), on the one hand, increases the probability of fulfillment of the aforementioned prerequisites.
At the level of operationalization of the basic concepts on which the study bases the present work, it faced a dilemma with the concept 'sustainable development'. To which actor or group of actors should development be sustainable in the context of this study? As the implicit and explicit assumptions of this study may suggest, the sustainability of the outcomes of a given development action is posited here to be in line with the interests of the 'hitherto excluded', the disadvantaged segments of the population. Hence, in the context of this study, the pre-requisites and conditions of sustainability rely to a large extent on the centrality of the beneficiaries' knowledge, and the importance of participation of these beneficiaries in their (self-)development. In this order, up till now and for not less than three decades, development actions in Algeria were designed without consultation of their supposed beneficiaries, and yielded a huge gap between the priviligentsia and the disadvantaged. It was thus important that the study focuses more on the impact of beneficiaries' participation and knowledge in steering a given development action towards their needs of development.
However, although the study considers that beneficiaries' participation and knowledge is a necessary condition for sustainable development, it is not a sufficient condition per se . This is true given that the so-called beneficiaries are still strongly interacting with other actors that hold a great power of decision, and are extremely self-referent and self-impressed by the rationality and 'scientificality' of their knowledge, such as planners, researchers, development staff, etc. It is, thus, important that the availability of the beneficiaries' knowledge must be acknowledged by these latter actors. Moreover, all this must be supported by a real social learning process whose importance for sustainable development is acknowledged and supported by all social actors who have some interest at stake in a given development action.
Consequently, the study aims at answering the following general research and
GQ. How can (direct and indirect) participation of the beneficiaries and the social learning ability of diverse actors acting in the development theater secure sustainable achievements of a people-centered planned development action ?
Ql. To which extent and when is participation of the beneficiaries required in order to steer development actions towards their (self-) development?
The results of the study shows that:
In the name of the land : organization, transnationalism, and the culture of the state in a Mexican Ejido
Nuijten, M. - \ 1998
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): N.E. Long. - S.l. : Nuijten - ISBN 9789054859765 - 407
plattelandsgemeenschappen - landbouwhervorming - landhervorming - grondeigendom - grondbeheer - boerenstand - boeren - migratie - staatsregering - cultuur - mexico - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - bureaucratie - rural communities - agrarian reform - land reform - land ownership - land management - peasantry - farmers - migration - state government - culture - mexico - relations between people and state - bureaucracy - cum laude
This study is based on research carried out during several periods from mid 1991 to mid 1995 in the ejido La Canoa in Jalisco, western Mexico, and in several government agencies. The study focuses in particular on the period between the 1930s and 1992 when the Mexican agrarian law was fundamentally changed. The last chapters of the book discuss the change of the agrarian law in 1992.
The study shows how over the years organizing practices developed with respect to the access to ejido plots and the management of the ejido which differed from the prescriptions of the law. For example, the division of the arable plots, the selling of these plots, renting them out, or leaving them unused were all illegal practices which became common in ejidos throughout Mexico. It also became a common phenomenon that instead of the ejido assembly, in which all ejidatarios are represented, the head of the ejido, the commissioner, took decisions on his own. Likewise, the rules were also seldom applied in the resolution of land conflicts by the Ministry of Agrarian Reform (MAR). Land conflicts between ejidatarios and private land owners abound and many have never been resolved. In this study the conflict of the "lost land" is discussed. This concerns a conflict over land that officially belongs to the ejido La Canoa but which since the thirties has been in the hands of several private landholders.
In this book it its argued that the labeling of the above mentioned practices in a functionalist way as "disorganized" or "corrupt" forms part of modernist discourses of development and does not bring us any nearer to an understanding of these dynamics, nor to an insight into the precise role played by the official rules and formal institutions. It is argued that these practices are the result of active organizing by ejidatarios, as well as officials and other social actors. Furthermore, it is shown that in the myriad of activities which are labeled as "illegal", "disorganized", and "corrupt" we can also distinguish certain organizing patterns. For example, in chapter five it was shown that in the many "illegal" arrangements with ejido plots we can distinguish a certain pattern in the way these were organized and that in these arrangements other ejidatarios, officials of the MAR, the ejido commissioner, and the ejido assembly play specific roles.
In chapter six a different form of patterning of organizing practices has been discussed. There it was shown, among other things, that the executive committee of the ejido never renders accounts of their activities at public ejido meetings, but that alternative forms of accountability exist and other effective mechanisms by which the ejidatarios control their executive committee. Namely, through informal channels, gossips, and regional political networks. In this context the ejido meetings have turned into arenas for bickering and confrontation and have developed symbolic roles in distinguishing between "insiders" and "outsiders". At the same time the official ejido structure becomes important in the case of serious conflicts. Then the "formal game is played" together with the use of informal political pressures.
It is argued that this structuring of organizing practices in unexpected and often "invisible" ways always occurs around the management of resources, and in relation to institutional settings. This book sets out the way that all forms of organizing take place in wider force fields. A force field is defined as a field of power and struggle between different social actors around certain resources or problems and around which certain forms of dominance, contention, and resistance may develop, as well as certain regularities and forms of ordering. The assumption is that all forms of organizing, even the most "private" or "illegal" ones, develop within fields of power. In this view, the patterning of organizing processes which we may find are not the result of a common understanding or normative agreement, but of the forces at play within the field.
It has been shown that the development of forms of ordering in organizing practices is closely related to forms of exclusion of certain social categories. Different groups can be distinguished with differing roles, different access to resources, and differing rights. The concept of force field also helps us to analyze the precise role of the law and official procedures.
The assumptions is that multiple force fields exist which develop their own dynamic and have different specific implications for the people involved. This means that in relation to certain resources and problems ejidatarios may develop a high degree of autonomy, while around others they have little "room for manoeuvre". The organizing practices around the arable plots in the ejido led to much autonomy for the ejidatarios, though the law, the bureaucratic procedures and the officials were always present as a "distant threat". On the other hand, the bureaucracy has been much less present in relation to organizing in the common lands. Around the commons ejidatarios and landless villagers have great autonomy to act without interference from the state bureaucracy. While, around the arable land and the commons the ejidatarios have developed a high degree of autonomy, around the "lost land" they obviously operate in a force field in which they are relatively powerless. There we find ejidatarios in a hopeless fight against private landowners. Hence, we cannot talk in a generalized way about the structural position of ejidatarios vis-á-vis regional elites, or about the nature of their relation with the Mexican state. This differs according to the resources and problems at stake.
In this approach, social theorizing, reflexive talk, and story-telling by social actors are considered to be a central part of the organizing process. These dialogues reflect a continuous active engagement of social actors with the world around them. Furthermore, the creation and re-creation of stories are considered to be a way of ordering the world around us and of arriving at the best strategies to be followed in the organizing process. Organizing practices are always related to the production of meaning and in this book it has been shown how the organizing practices around different resources in specific force fields are accompanied by reflective talk, ideological notions, irony, and the production of multiple meanings through imagination and the work of interpretation. These dialogues reflect forms of struggle, contention, and resistance in relation to existing organizing practices and relations of power.
As has been shown in this book, ejidatarios have a complicated and contradictory relation with the Mexican state. The state was their ally in the fight against the hacendados during the period of agrarian reform and it has also been the provider of all kinds of services (schools, water, electricity). However, in other instances the state is viewed as a corrupt and violent enemy which is greatly feared and distrusted by the people. Hence, we have an image of the Mexican state as the protector and oppressor of the ejidatarios at the same time. Images of the state conjoin notions of evil with goodness. For that reason, the ejidatarios may be supportive and enthusiastic towards the Mexican President at one moment, and cynical and distrustful about his speeches at another moment. Or they can laugh about themselves being deceived by the democratic and liberalizing discourse of a president who later on proved to be one of the worst swindlers the country ever saw. The ejidatarios can be proud of being part of the Mexican nation-state project but at the same time they can criticize powerholders for their corruption and for their squeezing of the peasants.
I have argued that the continuous theorizing about power and politics in society not only concerns a rationalization of actions but also an investment in the "idea of the state", in other words, an investment in the belief of the existence of a center of control. This does not mean that practices of authority and control do not exist but that people tend to look for a coherence and logic which does not exist. These imaginations which are constitutive of the "culture of the state", are based upon experiences and are mediated by a series of governmental techniques and by the media, education, and movies. The "culture of the state" is central to the operation of the bureaucracy as a "hope-generating machine". The "hope-generating machine" gives the message that everything is possible, that cases are never closed, and that things will be different from now on. This permeates all aspects of life and triggers powerful responses. However, rather than producing a certain rationality and coherence, the bureaucratic machine generates enjoyments, pleasures, fears and expectations. Although people are never naive, during certain periods they can become inspired and enthusiastic about new programs and new openings that are offered to them. Yet, doubts never totally disappear.
It is also argued that in this context of a decentered "hope-generating machine" without a clear center and coherence, brokers do often not play a role in effectively connecting ejidatarios to "the state", but play a role in the imagination of state power. By suggesting that they are the "right connection" to higher levels and to the "center of control" brokers contribute to the "idea of the state". In the same way, by searching for the "right connection" which can help them to resolve their problems, ejidatarios invest in the "idea of the state". Ejidatarios and bureaucrats are implicated in the cultural representation of the state through processes of rationalization, speculation, the construction of fantasies, etc. but also through processes of fetishization, that is the attribution to certain objects such as maps and documents with special powers. In this complex of desire and fantasy, inscription is very important. People develop a fetishism around certain official documents, even when they cannot "read" these documents according to official standards.
The same can be said of bureaucrats who tend to reify the law, in spite of "knowing" that official procedures do not play a central role in the outcome of highly politicized land conflicts. In these processes, the "idea of the state" is objectivized and fixed in maps, documents, and other legal texts. Hence, see a "re-enchantment of governmental techniques" as they acquire symbolic meanings beyond their administrative functions.
Landbouw en maatschappij : analyse van een boerenbeweging in de crisisjaren
Ru, J.H. de - \ 1980
Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): E.W. Hofstee. - Wageningen : de Ru - 377
landbouw - belangengroepen - sociale wetenschappen - geschiedenis - instellingen - particuliere organisaties - semi-overheidsbedrijven - nederland - fascisme - agrarische geschiedenis - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - cum laude - agriculture - interest groups - social sciences - history - institutions - private organizations - semiprivate organizations - netherlands - fascism - agricultural history - relations between people and state
In the early 1930s a farmers' movement began in de northern parts of the Netherlands, which also extended to the national level. The 1920s had been a decade of no prosperity for agriculture. The Great Depression became in the early thirties a catastrophe. Discontent was widespread. In 1931, action groups and crisis committees were springing up in many rural areas. Out of these scattered actions crystallized the farmers' movement "Landbouw en Maatschappij" ("Agriculture and Society"), which is subject of this study. The movement is analyzed from its emergence in 1931 to its decline and end in 1940, after the German invasion in the Netherlands. In November 1940, a fusion occurred between Landbouw en Maatschappij and the agrarian organization of the N.S.B., the Dutch national- socialist movement. This does not mean, however, that the movement should be characterized as an extremist "political" movement from its very beginning. On the contrary, it did not radicalize until the end of the thirties, after continuous frustration of its rather moderate demands.
The movement rose in those areas - such as the sandy soils and the peat-colonies - which were hit most severely by the economic crisis and least supported by government policies for agriculture. It centered in the province Drenthe and adjacent areas. Farmers were not only disgruntled and articulate because of the economic distress, but also because of the relative deprivation they experienced.
The book gives a detailed analysis of conditions influencing the rise and development of Landbouw en Maatschappij.