Staff Publications

Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

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Protecting indigenous land from mining : a study of activist representations of indigenous people, in the context of anti-mining movements, with a focus on an Indian case
Borde, Radhika - \ 2017
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): C. Minca, co-promotor(en): M. Duineveld; B. Blueming. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789463431880 - 113
mining - indigenous people - land use - protest - relations between people and state - ideology - india - mijnbouw - inheemse volkeren - landgebruik - protest - verhoudingen tussen bevolking en staat - ideologie - india

Support for indigenous peoples has been increasing over the last few decades. This can be seen internationally, as well as in several domestic contexts. The support for indigenous people has been linked to the increasingly prominent impetus to conserve the Earth’s biodiversity and environment. Indigenous people are being recognized for their role in protecting the places in which they live in and that they value in cultural or spiritual terms. This recognition has partly fuelled the support for indigenous lifestyles and the related management of resources. These traditional lifestyles are also presented by activists from within these communities, as a critique of mainstream development. This is echoed by the many activists and activist organizations involved in supporting indigenous people’s causes across the world.

A cause that indigenous people have often rallied around is the resistance towards mining on indigenous land. This is a cause that has attracted a significant amount of support, particularly when the land in question had spiritual or cultural value for an indigenous community. Accordingly, there have been several success stories of resistance towards mining on land that indigenous people believed was sacred, in several different continents. This thesis focuses on such narratives in the Indian context. It examines how, why and to what effect, local and international activists got involved in supporting a movement to protect the Niyamgiri Mountain in east-central India from bauxite extraction by Vedanta Resources, a multi-national mining company. The Niyamgiri Mountain was believed to be sacred by the Dongaria Kondh community which lived there and which is generally understood (though not officially recognized) as an indigenous community. The movement, which this thesis refers to as the Niyamgiri Movement, was finally successful – since the mining project was banned by the Indian government. In addition to a focus on this movement, the thesis also compares this movement with the anti-mining movement on the island of Palawan in the Philippines.

Indigenous peoples constitute minority groups in many of the countries in the Global South. It is also common for governments in the Global South to promote mining as an economic development strategy. This has led to frequent conflicts between indigenous peoples and mining companies. In some of the countries in the Global South, such as the Philippines, indigenous peoples are given official recognition. Whereas in others, such as India, there are affirmative action programs targeting groups claiming indigenous identity, as well as special legislations aimed at protecting their land, although no official recognition of the indigenous identity of these groups exists. Despite this, in contexts such as India there is often a general cultural understanding that groups which claim an indigenous identity are in some way ‘primordial’ – to use a word that translates best from the Indian context, in which the terms Adi Vasi (Original/Primordial Dwellers) or Adim Janajati (Primordial Tribes) are commonly used for such groups.

Given that there is at least some degree of cultural acceptance (if not an official recognition) of the indigenous identity of some of the groups that are entering into conflicts with mining companies, an important question relates to the reasons why local activists may get involved in supporting indigenous struggles against mining and how they may understand indigeneity in this context. Another important question is related to the laws that are applicable in local contexts and which may be used to support the struggles of groups that claim indigenous identity. The Forest Rights Act in India is such a law and the thesis explores how it was used in the context of the Niyamgiri Movement. Finally, it is important to consider how people who are not indigenous and who may not have an activist orientation, can be made to take a sympathetic view of indigenous struggles against mining. In the context of the Niyamgiri Movement in India, this thesis explores how creative representations by activists translated the nature religiosity of the Dongaria Kondhs into familiar terms that mainstream popular discourse in India could identify with.

In the thesis, the comparison of the Niyamgiri Movement in India with the anti-mining movement on the island of Palawan in the Philippines examines the way in which social movements in two different nation-state contexts engage with globalized discourses pertaining to the linkages between indigenous issues and conservation discourses. For a deeper examination of the way indigenous people are represented by globalized popular discourses, the thesis examines how images from Hollywood were used to generate sympathy for the Dongaria Kondhs’ cause in the Niyamgiri Movement. An examination of the international activism which supported the Niyamgiri Movement and which has been effective in bringing about the success of the movement i.e. the banning of the mining project on Niyamgiri, is another important focal point of the thesis.

A commitment towards exploring the activist politics that is relevant to the lives of indigenous peoples has inspired this thesis, which seeks to understand effective activist strategies and identify problematic ones in relation to the protection of land with cultural or spiritual value for indigenous peoples. Keeping this in view, it explores the insights provided by different theories, in order to use these to contribute towards orienting activist practice towards greater effectiveness as well as higher self-reflexivity.

Power and contingency in planning
Assche, K. van; Duineveld, M. ; Beunen, R. - \ 2014
Environment and Planning A 46 (2014). - ISSN 0308-518X - p. 2385 - 2400.
actor-network theory - urban - systems - governance - discourse - ideology - foucault - politics - deleuze - design
In this paper we analyse the role and reception of poststructuralist perspectives on power in planning since the 1990s, and then ask whether a renewed encounter with the works of poststructuralist theorists Foucault, Deleuze, and Luhmann could add something to the points that were already made. We make a distinction between the power of planning (the impact in society), power in planning (relations between players active in planning), and power on planning (the influence of broader society on the planning system), to refine the analysis of planning/power. It is argued that an interpretation of Deleuze, Luhmann, and Foucault, as thinkers of power in a theoretical framework that is based on the idea of contingency, can help to refine the analysis of power in planning. Planning then can be regarded as a system in other systems, with roles, values, procedures, and materialities in constant transformation, with the results of each operation serving as input for the next one. The different power relations constitute the possibilities, the forms, and the potential impact of planning.
Analyse groen in verkiezingsprogramma’s Gemeenteraadsverkiezingen 2010
Heutinck, L.B.M. ; Visschedijk, P.A.M. - \ 2010
[S.l.] : S.n. - 26
politiek - plaatselijk bestuur - sociaal welzijn - ideologie - attitudes - politieke partijen - openbaar groen - stemmen (verkiezingen) - gemeenten - politics - local government - social welfare - ideology - political parties - public green areas - voting - municipalities
Uit een analyse van de verkiezingsprogramma’s in de 17 steden met krachtwijken blijkt dat groen een belangrijk onderwerp is. In ruim 85% van de bijna 250 partijprogramma’s zijn passages over groen opgenomen. Alterra (Wageningen UR) heeft gekeken naar de aandacht voor groen in de lokale verkiezingsprogramma’s. Hieruit blijkt dat de aanwezigheid van groen in die programma’s vooral gekoppeld wordt aan de kwaliteit van de woonomgeving
The production of mindscapes : a comprehensive theory of landscape experience
Jacobs, M.H. - \ 2006
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Jaap Lengkeek, co-promotor(en): H. Dooremalen. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9085045207 - 268
landschap - landschapsarchitectuur - perceptie - taxatie - landschapsbouw - menselijk gedrag - ideologie - geografische informatiesystemen - modellen - omgevingspsychologie - landscape - landscape architecture - perception - valuation - landscaping - human behaviour - ideology - geographical information systems - models - environmental psychology
Op jacht naar de natuur van de belevenismaatschappij
Jacobs, M.H. ; Lengkeek, J. ; Brinkhuijsen, M. - \ 2003
In: Wie is bang voor de stad? Essays over ruimtelijke ordening, natuur en verstedelijking / Woestenburg, M., Buijs, A.E., Timmermans, W., Wageningen : Blauwdruk - ISBN 9789075271102 - p. 56 - 63.
landschap - perceptie - vrijetijdsgedrag - ideologie - openluchtrecreatie - platteland - natuur - verbeelding - landscape - perception - outdoor recreation - leisure behaviour - ideology - rural areas - nature - imagination
Struinen en landschapsbeleving
Coeterier, J.F. ; Schoene, M.B. - \ 1999
Wageningen : DLO-Staring Centrum (Operatie Boomhut 5) - ISBN 9789032702793 - 77
milieu - perceptie - taxatie - recreatie - ideologie - openluchtrecreatie - recreatieactiviteiten - nederland - natuurtechniek - natuur - environment - perception - valuation - recreation - ideology - outdoor recreation - recreational activities - netherlands - ecological engineering - nature
In het beleid voor natuur, bos en landschap zijn sinds enige tijd de begrippen `struinen' en `struinnatuur' geontroduceerd. Hierbij worden ideeën over struinen, als recreatieve activiteit, gekoppeld aan mogelijkheden voor natuurontwikkeling. In opdracht van de Directie Noordwest van LNV is in Landsmeer en omgeving aan 20 bewoners gevraagd wat zij onder struinen verstaan en welke natuur daarvoor geschikt is. Struinen kan te voet, te paard, fietsend, schaatsend en varend. In overeenstemming met beleidsideeën wordt daarvoor robuuste, ruige natuur gewenst. Om ook wensen van kinderen te achterhalen hebben leerlingen van drie basisscholen opstellen en tekeningen gemaakt van fijne speelomgevingen.
Een verkennende beschouwing over grondhoudingen, natuurbeelden en natuurvisies in relatie tot draagvlak voor natuur
Molenaar, J.G. de - \ 1998
Wageningen : IBN-DLO - 111
samenleving - interacties - milieu - mens - milieueffect - sociologie - ideologie - kennis - perceptie - landschap - filosofie - natuur - menselijke invloed - society - interactions - environment - man - environmental impact - sociology - ideology - knowledge - perception - landscape - philosophy - nature - human impact
Belevingsonderzoek in Nederland : een overzicht van de grijze literatuur tot 1995
Coeterier, J.F. - \ 1997
Wageningen : SC-DLO (Interne mededeling / DLO-Staring Centrum 446) - 138
perceptie - milieu - landschap - taxatie - ideologie - landbouwgrond - bibliografieën - nederland - grijze literatuur - literatuuroverzichten - perception - environment - landscape - valuation - ideology - agricultural land - bibliographies - netherlands - grey literature - literature reviews
Woongenot heeft een prijs : het waardeverhogend effect van een groene en waterrijke omgeving op de huizenprijs
Luttik, J. ; Zijlstra, M. - \ 1997
Wageningen : DLO-Staring Centrum (Rapport / DLO-Staring Centrum 562) - 49
landbouwgrond - landschap - bosbouw - bosbouw in steden - economie - taxatie - ideologie - nederland - woningmarkt - agricultural land - landscape - forestry - urban forestry - economics - valuation - ideology - netherlands - housing market
Stobbelaar, D.J. ; Mansvelt, J.D. van - \ 1997
Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 63 (1997). - ISSN 0167-8809 - p. 83 - 89.
landschap - landschapsecologie - taxatie - ideologie - perceptie - milieu - alternatieve landbouw - biologische landbouw - landschapsbouw - ruimtelijke ordening - normen - standaardisering - landen van de europese unie - landscape - landscape ecology - valuation - ideology - perception - environment - alternative farming - organic farming - landscaping - physical planning - standards - standardization - european union countries
This special issue of Agriculture, Ecosystems & Environment contains the work done in the framework of the EU-concerted action programme "The nature and landscape production capacity of organic/sustainable types of agriculture". The aim of this concerted action is to define proposals to extend the EU regulations for agriculture with landscape standards
Some criteria for landscape quality applied on an organic goat farm in Gelderland, the Netherlands.
Hendriks, K. ; Stobbelaar, D.J. ; Mansvelt, J.D. van - \ 1997
Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 63 (1997)2/3. - ISSN 0167-8809 - p. 185 - 200.
landschap - taxatie - ideologie - perceptie - milieu - geiten - alternatieve landbouw - biologische landbouw - gelderland - landscape - valuation - ideology - perception - environment - goats - alternative farming - organic farming
Within the framework of the concerted action 'The landscape and nature production capacity of organic/sustainable types of agriculture', the authors visited the organic goat farm Caprica to test some criteria on farm level
Van wie is het bos? Participatie van de maatschappij in het bosbeheer.
Jansen, J.J. - \ 1997
Nederlands Bosbouwtijdschrift 69 (1997)6. - ISSN 0028-2057 - p. 279 - 280.
bosbouw - bossen - milieubescherming - conservering - landschap - taxatie - ideologie - sociale klassen - boeren - nederland - forestry - forests - environmental protection - conservation - landscape - valuation - ideology - social classes - farmers - netherlands
Spirochaetes, serology, and salvarsan : Ludwik Fleck and the construction of medical knowledge about syphilis
Belt, H. van den - \ 1997
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): M.J.J.A.A. Korthals; H.A.M.J. ten Have. - S.l. : Van den Belt - ISBN 9789054857655 - 299
ideologie - sociologie - kennis - geneeskunde - seksueel overdraagbare ziekten - kennistheorie - epistemologie - ideology - sociology - knowledge - medicine - sexually transmitted diseases - theory of knowledge - epistemology

The theoretical and empirical scope of this study thus clarified, an outline of the chapters which follow can now be presented.

In Chapter II 1 shall systematically compare Fleck's theories with the approaches adopted by contemporary constructivists. My strategy is partly to use modern forms of constructivism as a foil for extracting relevant and valuable insights from the richness of Fleck's elaborations, partly to identify theoretical and conceptual issues that can possibly be clarified through an empirical 'replication' of Fleck's work. In the following chapters I will therefore deliberately put on spectacles grinded according to different constructivist recipes in order to illuminate various aspects of the concrete episodes under study (always allowing for a comparison with Fleck's empirical analyses) and to elucidate, as far as possible, the theoretical issues involved. Starting out from moderate constructivist approaches (Chapters III and IV) I will move on to more radical forms of constructivism (Chapters V and VII). In the concluding chapter the spectacles themselves will be the object of examination.

Chapter III reconsiders the historical genesis of the modem concept of syphilis, which is also the main subject of the first part of Fleck's monograph. Its purpose is to demonstrate the prima facie legitimacy and fruitfulness of a broadly constructivist approach towards the historical genesis of disease concepts. The aim of the chapter is therefore less to criticize than to consolidate and extend Fleck's insights. I do so by following the example of many modem constructivists in adopting Mary Hesse's finitist theory (or 'network theory') of meaning as my starting-point. The results of my explorations vindicate Fleck's view of the (socially) constructed and 'culture-laden' character of the modem concept of syphilis. I also follow up one of Fleck's more specific suggestive remarks, to the effect that moral considerations in particular entered into the construction of concepts of syphilis. To substantiate this suggestion, I pay special attention to the (formerly presumed) 'hereditary' and (still uncontested) venereal character of the disease. By performing a cross-cultural comparison with some non-venereal tropical and subtropical diseases closely related to syphilis, I hope to loosen the hold on our minds of the 'venereal fixation' characteristic of the modem concept of syphilis. Some of the findings discussed in this chapter are calculated to unsettle the tranquillity of mind of hard-headed anti-constructivists and thus, by the same token, to earn credibility for a broadly constructivist approach.

Chapter IV describes and analyzes the discovery of the causative agent of syphilis, a subject to which Fleck devotes some brief but interesting passages in his monograph. In this chapter I shall put on the type of spectacles that belong to the special brand of (social) constructivism represented by Harry Collins. Characteristic of this approach, which preferably focuses on the study of scientific controversies, is that the analyst takes a strictly agnostic stance as to the reality or otherwise of the (purported) natural phenomenon under dispute and treats the arguments and actions of the conflicting parties in a symmetrical and impartial way. The empirical subject of this chapter provides a favourable occasion to follow these precepts. During the years 1905-1907 two different microorganisms, Spirochaeta pallida and Cytorrhyctes luis, were in fact proposed and defended as the looked-for aetiological agent of syphilis. Such a situation would seem to be a pre-eminent case calling for a symmetrical treatment in the modern constructivist sense. Indeed, Fleck himself already presented a symmetrical analysis of this episode in his monograph, but - as I will argue - the particular account he offered lacks plausibility. I will undertake a new effort, more sustained and hopefully more thorough-going than Fleck's failed attempt. In the debate on the aetiology of syphilis several issues were raised that are highly relevant for a constructivist analysis, e.g. about the reliability of (microscopic) observation and the possibility of creating 'artefacts' by staining tissue preparations. Fleck's general views on the role of perception and observation, expounded in his monograph and other writings, prove to be useful and pertinent. The case also illustrates the general constructivist insight that appeal to formal methodological rules and criteria is unable to resolve controversies. Finally, the chapter will present a conceptual analysis of the notion of 'discovery' in line with the findings of the historical case-study. A consistently sustained constructivist approach leads to a major rethinking of this notion, taking up but going beyond Thomas Kuhn's views on the matter. To put it briefly and somewhat paradoxically, using the familiar distinction of traditional philosophy of science, the constructivist proposal is to transfer the category of discovery from the 'context of discovery' to the 'context of justification', or rather, to the social context of validation and acceptance.

Chapter V deals with the genesis and development of the Wassermann reaction as a clinically usable serological test for detecting syphilis. This is also the main subject of Fleck's monograph. The 'scientific fact' to which the title of his book refers is "the fact that the so-called Wassermann reaction is related to syphilis", which was, according to Fleck, "one of the best established medical facts". The establishment of this fact is seen as the result of a cooperative effort by the so-called 'serological thought collective' led by August Wassermann, which under the influence of the social urgency of the syphilis problem and ancient ideas about syphilitic blood worked unceasingly to improve and perfect the test until a practically usable diagnostic instrument was finally obtained.

In this chapter I examine the empirical and theoretical adequacy of Fleck's analysis. I take issue with several elements of his account, but the main objection is that he simply ignores the 'clinical connection' and depicts the development of the Wassermann reaction as if it occurred exclusively within the four walls of the laboratory, with serologists busily 'tuning their sets'. In my alternative account of the whole episode, the interaction between serologists and clinicians figures much more prominently. This account is loosely inspired by Bruno Latour's ideas on 'enrollment' and 'translation of interests'. To convince clinicians of the value and reliability of the Wassermann reaction, serologists were initially caught in a 'dilemma of application' if the outcome of the test agreed with the clinicians' own judgement, it would tell them nothing new; if it disagreed with their judgement, they would doubt its validity and reliability. Through active involvement of clinicians ('enrollment'), the dilemma could be overcome by, on the one hand, changing the technical execution and clinical meaning of the Wassermann reaction, and, on the other, redefining the diagnostic and therapeutic interests of clinicians to which the test would attend. Ultimately, a practically usable serological test for syphilis was achieved by the joint efforts of serologists and clinicians. This analysis also elucidates some riddles that were left unresolved within Fleck's account. However, I intend to do more than rectifying the shortcomings of Fleck's account. I also want to venture, albeit rather cautiously, some radical- constructivist exercises. In addition to the Latourian notions of enrollment and translating interests already mentioned, I have taken into the account the views of Pickering and Rouse on the character of scientific activity as a practice, in particular with regard to the realization of experimental systems and the practical engagement with raw materials, test animals and 'patient material'. In contrast to these radical constructivists, however, I see no reason to reject the notion of interests as used by the moderate constructivists on grounds of principle. In my judgement, a modest role even accrues to the professional interests of serologists and clinicians to understand and explain the development of the Wassermann reaction. Interest explanations, in my view, are perfectly compatible with the phenomenon of interest translation highlighted by Latour.

Chapter VI is devoted to an analysis of the dispute over the intellectual ownership of the Wassermann reaction, which erupted in the aftermath of the development of this serological test - as a bitter epilogue, so to speak. It was in 1921 that August Wassermann got embroiled in a lively polemics with, among others, his former collaborator Carl Bruck and his former critic Eduard Weil over the question of who could call himself the legitimate intellectual father of the Wassermann reaction. The reason for devoting a separate chapter to what was considered at the time a rather 'unsavoury' dispute, is that it offers us a unique possibility to critically examine on the basis of historical material the much-criticized 'collectivistic' or 'anti-individualistic' stance characteristic of Fleck's approach. The conclusion of my analysis is that this 'collectivistic' feature of Fleck's sociology of knowledge made him, indeed, illequipped to adequately deal with the struggle over the intellectual ownership of the Wassermann reaction. He uncritically takes the assertions made by the protagonists during the course of this struggle as simply reflecting their views on the development of the Wassermann reaction, without taking account of the fact that these utterances were made for strategic reasons to bolster up their respective claims to the intellectual property of the serological test or to defeat the claims of others. My own account of this 'unsavoury' episode is inspired by Robert Merton's sociology of science which takes a more balanced stance on the relationship between individual and collective. For the Mertonian sociology of science, the struggle over intellectual property between (former) team members is a still unexplored theme (it has mostly concentrated on priority disputes between independent scientists). I also relax Merton's restriction on analyzing the content of scientific knowledge: the question of who has had a creative part in the making of a discovery is indissolubly bound up with the question of what exactly has been discovered. In the struggle over the Wassermann reaction participants could argue their case only by taking a stand on both questions. In this way I attempt to integrate Mertonian insights within a broadly constructivist approach. In view of the fact that Merton's sociology of science has received a barrage of criticism from constructivist quarters, the attempt may be interpreted as a plea for rehabilitation.

Chapter VII deals with the development of an effective chemotherapeutic medicine against syphilis by Paul Ehrlich and his co-workers. Fleck's monograph contains only a few passing remarks on this development. The reason for including a chapter on this subject, apart from the fact that it constitutes an important node in the expanding conceptual network of syphilology, is that Ehrlich's work appears to be an excellent case on which to perform the kind of analysis that has become customary in more recent forms of (radical) constructivism, viz. those connected with the movement away from 'science-as-knowledge' toward 'science-as-practice'. Andrew Pickering is the most outspoken exponent of this tendency, but it is also manifest in Joseph Rouse's work and in Karin Knorr-Cetina's earlier contributions. Some aspects of Latour's work too can be brought under this heading. The crucial question of how laboratory results can be applicable, or be made applicable, to the world outside the laboratory (in other words, how the 'science' gets out of the laboratory), which he has raised to such prominence, can be fruitfully taken up in an analysis of 'scienceas-practice'. Such an analysis had already been partially attempted in Chapter V, but is conducted in a more sustained and systematic way in this chapter. The object of analysis is Paul Ehrlich's practice of 'experimental therapeutics' (or 'chemotherapy'), which modem pharmacologists often consider to be the beginnings of rational drug design. To inaugurate this practice he built up a vast 'Construction machinery' (Knorr-Cetina) by acquiring the necessary funds and material and human resources through an intimate symbiosis with the German chemical (synthetic dye) industry. In order to put these resources to productive work, he borrowed from this same industry a model of research management and division of scientific labour, which he tailored to his own needs by combining chemical work with the large-scale testing of chemical preparations on experimental animals. The secret of Ehrlich's success was in fact the combination of 'chemical mass-labour' with 'biological mass- labour' and the creation of 'experimental systems' (Rouse) through the suitable selection of test animals. Of course, Ehrlich and his collaborators had to overcome many constraints and limitations of the raw materials and test animals. The entire venture was not oriented to finding a remedy against syphilis immediately from the start; it was only during the course of the programme and through 'opportunism in context' (Pickering) that the turn to this disease occurred. Initially, Ehrlich had boasted that through his approach, using animal experiments on an extensive scale, the most 'optimal' drugs could be developed and selected so as to make the final test on man no more, as it were, than proving the sum. Things would dramatically turn out otherwise. After an effective substance had been found against syphilitically infected rabbits, the gap separating laboratory and outside world had to be bridged and this proved to be an even more exacting task than developing the medicine in the first place. A constructivist analysis inspired by the science-as-practice approach highlights the difficulties that have to be confronted when laboratory products are to find their way into the 'wider' society. In this particular case, the insufficiency of Latour's own answer to the question he raised is clearly revealed: the clinical introduction of Salvarsan involved much more than simply transplanting laboratory conditions to the outside world, it also involved the 'normalization of the object' (Knoff-Cetina), legal, social and political intervention, and continued experimentation with the medicine after its commercial introduction (the thesis of 'society as laboratory').

Chapter VIII does not deal with a particular episode in the history of syphilology, but offers a reconstruction of the so-called 'serological thought style' which according to Fleck determined the way of thinking and acting of the serologists' collective led by Wassermann. In contrast to Fleck, contemporary constructivists generally reject, on the basis of finitist arguments, such an explanatory use of the notion of thought style. This still leaves the possibility that the term refers to an interesting phenomenon worthy of investigation as an explanandum. Fleck's descriptive characterization of the serological thought style, however, also raises questions. Following Harwood I argue that this concept can be meaningfully employed only in a comparative way. It does not make sense to speak of the thought style of a serologists' collective, if this same style cannot be recognized in other sectors than serology and if it cannot be contrasted with different styles. To carry out this comparative investigation I will draw upon the various episodes in the history of syphilology as discussed in the preceding chapters, which together cover several sectors of medical science (nosology, aetiology, serology, and therapy). The unity of Fleck's 'serological' thought style will be found in the basic idea of specificity. Viewed in this way it represents the so-called 'pluralist' style, previously analyzed by Pauline Mazumdar, which can be contrasted with the so-called 'unitarian' style. Harwood's requirements for the meaningful employment of style concepts can thus be met. Finally I show that the 'power' of the pluralist style (and of the basic idea of specificity) can be partially explained from the unprecedented power structure which the Koch-Ehrlich group had built up in German medical science in the years around 1900.

In Chapter IV, finally, I have attempted to develop, by building on the results of the preceding chapters, a reasoned and well-considered position vis-à-vis the two big fundamental problems which continue to haunt constructivist studies of science and technology, to wit, the problem of realism and the question of how to conceive of 'the social' and the relationship between the individual and the collective. The latter problem includes the question of how to adequately conceptualize the notion of 'social practices' in general and of 'scientific practices' in particular, Moderate and radical constructivism take very different positions with regard to both fundamental problems. Radical constructivists push the construction metaphor to such extent that in their view not just plastics or genetically modified organisms but also microbes, electrons and quarks are held to be constructed by science. Latour and Woolgar's 'splitting-and-inversion' model about the genesis of facts often lies hidden behind this view. It is because of such views that radical constructivism clashes with current realist conceptions, despite the fact that radical constructivists themselves believe to have transcended the entire debate between realism and anti-realism. Among the moderate constructivists, the term 'construction' refers exclusively to the formation of knowledge about natural reality, not to that reality itself or its constituent objects. The adherents of the Strong Programme even take a stance as common-sense realists vis-à-vis reality. I think such a position is excellently defensible. It is preferable, in my opinion, to so-called 'scientific realism', which is too strongly committed to the existence of those theoretical entities which are currently accepted in science. Moreover, this variety of realism also argues rather problematically from the practical success of applications of science to the truth of the underlying theories and fails to appreciate the open-ended character of concept application as emphasized in the finitist theory.

As regards the second fundamental problem I should declare that I do not share the hypercritical skepticism which radical constructivists display vis-à-vis 'the social'. I have attempted to rebut each of several objections which they have adduced against 'social' explanations of the content of scientific knowledge. Latour's argument, for example, to the effect that society does not provide a solid basis for such explanations because technoscientists themselves act as 'society builders', is only a half- truth, for even when acting in that capacity technoscientists act under definite, not freely chosen or fully controllable societal relationships. I also confront Rouse's criticism that moderate constructivists tend to treat the validation of knowledge-claims within self-enclosed scientific communities and the position defended by Knorr-Cetina that the validation of such claims has no need for a social locus beyond the laboratory itself. I further reject the criticism expressed by Woolgar that any attempt to demonstrate the social determination of scientific knowledge invariably involves portraying competent and knowledgeable actors as mere puppets or 'cultural dopes'. I admit, however, that it is very difficult to strike a proper balance between the spontaneity and agency of individual actors, on the one hand, and the effects of social structures ('constraints'), on the other hand. It would therefore be very welcome to have a theory which is able to do justice to both aspects. That is why I finally examine Anthony Giddens's 'structuration theory' to see whether it fulfils these desiderata. In the end it appears that the modification of Giddens's theory proposed by William Sewell may be reasonably satisfactory. Whereas Giddens views social structure as a virtual order consisting of a set of rules and resources that is reproduced in concrete practices, Sewell reformulates the duality of structure as a duality of virtual elements, namely rules or cultural schemas, and actual elements, namely resources. The deployment of (material and human) resources is informed by cultural schemas; conversely, in order to be reproduced the latter must actually be used in the accumulation of resources. Within this framework the 'agency' of individuals is conceived as empowerment through access to resources and the competence to apply existing cultural schemas to new contexts. Sewell's emphasis on the transposability of cultural schemas to new situations exhibits similarity to the finitist view. He also conceives of 'agency' as thoroughly social. Finally I argue that his conceptualization of the notion of social practices is able to incorporate the valuable elements in Pickering's 'science-as-practice' approach and Rouse's 'practical hermeneutics' without taking the dubious 'posthumanist' and 'anti-social' tenor of the latter approaches also on board.

Hoe mooi is ruige natuur?; verschillen tussen gebruikers in de waardering van landschapskenmerken bij natuurontwikkeling
Berg, A.E. van den; Coeterier, J.F. ; Vlek, C.A.J. - \ 1996
Landschap : tijdschrift voor landschapsecologie en milieukunde 13 (1996)4. - ISSN 0169-6300 - p. 285 - 297.
herstel - landschap - taxatie - ideologie - landbouwgrond - economie - gebruikswaarde - economische impact - nederland - natuur - natuurtechniek - rehabilitation - landscape - valuation - ideology - agricultural land - economics - use value - economic impact - netherlands - nature - ecological engineering
Door natuurontwikkelingsprojecten krijgt het Nederlandse landschap een steeds ruiger aanzien. Onderzoek in Midden-Groningen laat zien dat deze verruiging niet door iedereen even positief wordt gewaardeerd. Vooral agrariërs vonden computersimulaties van natuurontwikkelingslandschappen minder mooi naarmate ze ruiger waren. Bewoners en recreanten waardeerden ruigheid over het algemeen wel positief. Met een nieuwe statistische techniek, de zogenaamde multiniveaumethode, zijn mogelijke verklaringen voor deze verschillen onderzocht.
Gebruik en waardering van binnen- en buitenstedelijk groen
Boer, T.A. de; Visschedijk, P.A.M. - \ 1994
Wageningen : IBN-DLO (IBN - rapport 109) - 118
bosbouw - bosbouw in steden - perceptie - milieu - landschap - psychologie - mens - sociaal milieu - milieueffect - taxatie - ideologie - invloeden - forestry - urban forestry - perception - environment - landscape - psychology - man - social environment - environmental impact - valuation - ideology - influences
Bosrecreatie: van bosbelust tot bosbewust.
Boerwinkel, H.W.J. - \ 1994
Nederlands Bosbouwtijdschrift 66 (1994)6. - ISSN 0028-2057 - p. 203 - 208.
bosbouw - recreatie - openluchtrecreatie - landschap - taxatie - ideologie - bosbouweconomie - bossen - bosbedrijfsvoering - nederland - forestry - recreation - outdoor recreation - landscape - valuation - ideology - forest economics - forests - forest management - netherlands
Onderzoek naar de waardering van recreanten voor het bos, het bosbeheer en bosbeleid
Kwaliteit en waardering van landschappen
Dijkstra, H. ; Klijn, J.A. - \ 1992
Wageningen : DLO-Staring Centrum (Rapport / DLO-Staring Centrum 229) - 175
landschap - taxatie - ideologie - nederland - landbouwgrond - plattelandsplanning - plattelandsontwikkeling - landgebruik - bedrijfsvoering - historische geografie - landscape - valuation - ideology - netherlands - agricultural land - rural planning - rural development - land use - management - historical geography
Wensen voor een toekomstig park in Beverwijk : een belevingsonderzoek bij bewoners
Coeterier, J.F. ; Jansen - van Bemmel, M.A. ; Andersson, E.A. - \ 1989
Wageningen : Staring Centrum (Rapport / Staring Centrum 5) - 47
recreatiegebieden - milieu - groene zones - ideologie - landschap - landschapsbouw - perceptie - ruimtelijke ordening - speelterreinen - publieke tuinen - openbare parken - steden - stadsomgeving - taxatie - nederland - kennemerland - noord-holland - amenity and recreation areas - environment - green belts - ideology - landscape - landscaping - perception - physical planning - playgrounds - public gardens - public parks - towns - urban environment - valuation - netherlands
Het Centraal Plateau
Schoene, M.B. ; Coeterier, J.F. - \ 1988
Wageningen : De Dorschkamp (Rapport / Rijksinstituut voor Onderzoek in de Bos- en Landschapsbouw "De Dorschkamp" nr. 538) - 66
landbouwgrond - landschap - taxatie - ideologie - perceptie - milieu - ruimtelijke ordening - landgebruik - zonering - nederland - zuid-limburg - agricultural land - landscape - valuation - ideology - perception - environment - physical planning - land use - zoning - netherlands - limburg
De waarneming en waardering van landschappen
Coeterier, J.F. - \ 1987
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): P.B. Defares, co-promotor(en): M.J. Vroom. - S.l. : Coeterier - 204
milieu - ideologie - landschap - perceptie - taxatie - environment - ideology - landscape - perception - valuation
The Landscape
'Landscape' is defined in many ways. However, all definitions have in common: (a) the interaction between organisms, including man, and inorganic nature; this is landscape as a process; (b) the unity of the landscape and the coherence of its parts; this is landscape as structure*; and often: (c) the influence of social and cultural processes in the formation of the landscape, the social determinism of the landscape. A landscape is conceived of as a system, characterized by the interaction of natural and cultural forces, possessing a definite organization. Depending on one's background and interest, a certain aspect is accentuated in the study of landscapes. Landscape architects mainly concentrate on structural aspects. Perception psychologists too are preoccupied with pattern variables, stemming from Gestalt psychology. Lay people are primarily interested in the social aspects of a landscape, especially in the Netherlands, where every landscape is man-made. For them, human action is the main force in landscape formation.

In psychology, and in philosophy, perception is regarded as a cognitive activity. It comprises three levels or processes: physiological processes, sensation, and perception. No one-to-one-relation exists between these three processes.
Polanyi (1969): No observation of physiology can make us apprehend the operations of the mind. Both the mechanisms and organismic processes of physiology, when observed as such, will ever be found to work insentiently.
This distinguishes physiological processes from the other two processes.
Ayer (1966): If observing something entails having a sensation, then having a sensation cannot itself be a form of observation: for if it were we should be involved in an infinite regress. More over the sort of things that can be said about observation, or perception, cannot significantly be said about sensation.
This distinguishes sensation from perception.
The properties of perception are: structuring, meaning attribution, and action-foundation.

A landscape is perceived as ordered: things are seen in context and in relation to each other**. The dominance of the whole- character in perception has been sufficiently demonstrated by Gestalt psychology. The perceptual processes of discrimination and pattern recognition, or the differentiation and integration of information, show that consciousness operates on at least two levels. For Gestalt psychology, integration comes first. This corresponds to the way landscapes or faces are seen: first, one has an impression of the face as a whole. This impression also determines the appreciation. Only afterwards are details noted and how they contribute to the whole. Wholes are seen on different levels, each whole functioning as an element on the level immediately above (Koestler's Holon). These levels show a hierarchical ordering (Simon), the next-higher level determining the meaning of an element.
* In the following, the terms structure, pattern, order, whole, organization, composition, are used interchangeably. Differentiation is deemed unnecessary for the purpose they are used here.
** See also Bertrand Russell, Philosophical Essays (Unwin, 1976, blz. 157). Our results were obtained via in-depth interviews and structured questionnaires and with the help of photographs.

Meaning Attribution
The world is meaningful for a person. An inherent property of perception is to confer meaning to objects, situations and happenings. Meanings act as filters in perception: they determine what is seen and how it is seen (e.g. Bruner & Goodman). Structuring and meaning attribution are closely interconnected: the structure in which a thing occurs also determines its meaning.

Actions lie at the basis of the perception of both structure and meaning, whereby perceiving itself is also an activity. Actions of the perceiver lie at the basis of the formation of perceptual schemata (Bartlett, Schütz, 1932);, actions of other people determine the content of these schemata. In the perception of landscapes the action-foundation of perception works out in two ways: (a) noticing the way the landscape is organized for public use; and (b) noticing opportunities for private use by the perceiver. Public and private use determine the structure and the meaning of a landscape in perception.
These three properties of perception correspond to Polanyi's three aspects of tacit knowing: phenomenal, semantic, and functional; whereby perception is itself also a form of tacit knowing. Because of these three properties of perception it can be said that a landscape is seen as a system. Of this system only a limited number of attributes is discerned.

Landscape Appreciation
Perception and appreciation are closely related. According to Dembo (1960), values can be seen as qualities, attributes by which things are distinguished. To appreciate something is to see its qualities. But perception is also the seeing of qualities. Dewey (1931): "Red is not a sensation; it is a quality which we perceive". Perception is directed to qualities, attributes of an environment whose importance a person has learned. In the following, these qualities are called the dominant perceptual attributes (or merely perceptual attributes), a term proposed by the Dutch National Physical Planning Agency (RPD). So, the appreciation of a landscape is determined by the dominant perceptual attributes: a person looks at a landscape with an appreciative eye. Then, these qualities are judged; i.e. weighed, depending on their importance or interest for the use the person wants to make of the landscape. Indeed, the interest one has in a landscape proves to be the main determinant of its appreciation. Interest stems from use. In general, three groups of users can be distinguished: farmers, residents (living in villages or in the countryside), and tourists (mostly townfolk). Of course, the appreciation of a landscape is determined by more than the dominant perceptual attributes alone. There are also social, symbolic, ethical, affective aspects, plus conditions for use such as distance, accessibility, safety. In the following, only the role of the dominant perceptual attributes in landscape appreciation is considered.
The relationship between the amount of a perceptual attribute present in a situation and its appreciation shows an inverted U form. This means that too much and too little of an attribute is appreciated negatively. The point of highest appreciation lies somewhere in the middle, depending among other things on a person's adaptation level for that attribute in that type of landscape. (What is normal for one type of landscape, e.g. a certain openness, may be too much or too little for another type). Too much and too little are a matter of taste.

The Dominant Perceptual Attributes
In the Netherlands each region is occupied by people and fitted up for a certain kind of use. The use of a landscape determines its character and its boundaries: visually, a landscape ends where a new form of use begins, except for small units such as power transmission lines or a gas pumping unit which a landscape can contain without losing its character; in that case these units remain alien elements. First and foremost a landscape is seen as a functional unit: a system with society as its structuring principle and characterized by a limited number of system variables or attributes. These attributes are:
1. The amount of unity or coherence of the system. This has two aspects: (a) the presence of all appropriate elements, i.e. elements that belong to that system (completeness); and (b) the absence of inappro priate elements. Absence of the first kind of elements is not neces sarily experienced as disturbing; the presence of the latter is.
2. The type of system, the function it performs. Aspects are: kind of use, intensity of use, and opportunities for private use -
material (provisions and facilities) and immaterial (rules and norms).
3. The physical or abiotic component of the system, especially soil properties, water (courses and drainage) and surface relief.
These properties determine the opportunities for public and private use such as productivity and accessibility.
4. The biotic component of the system, its natural or organic aspect.
5. The spatial organization or lay-out of the system. Aspects are: the size of the open space, the distribution of space and mass,
the vertical differentiation between elements, and the composition or patterning of the elements.
6. The development of the system in time, linearly and cyclically. The linear aspects contain recent changes in the landscape vis-
à-vis its historical character. Cyclical changes are due to the succession of the seasons.
7. The way the system is managed, especially its maintenance.
8. Phenomenal aspects such as colours, light and shadow, sounds, smells, tactile qualities, etc.

These attributes have several implications:
- They also determine the appreciation of a landscape. People have a more or less clear picture of how these attributes manifest themselves in different types of landscapes. This mental image, or internal representation, is based on experience and knowledge. When describing landscapes, people often use phrases such as: "These things belong together", or: "This thing doesn't fit here". The terms 'belong' and 'fit' have both a cognitive and a normative connotation. The mental image provides the expectation of what ought to be there and in this way becomes normative for the appreciation.
- The attributes are not simple, independent features of a landscape but complex and overlapping fields of meaning, "Quality Indices" in terms of Craik & Zube (1976). (However, contrary to their view that a landscape has to be considered as an aggregate, here a landscape is regarded as a system. On the difference see Angyal 1967). This means that the indices overlap and mutually influence each other. The amount of overlap depends on the type of landscape.
- The last six attributes draw their meaning from the first two, unity and use. Unity and use are always noticed first. The order of importance of the other attributes may vary in different types of land scapes. Also, not all six attributes need be present in a landscape. In an urban environment the physical component does not play a role in the perception and appreciation.
- Each landscape is viewed in terms of these attributes; i.e. they are generally valid. As determinants of perception and appreciation they act as abstract rules (in the sense of Hayek 1969) or schemata (in the sense of Bartlett 1932 or Sch6tz 1932). That is, the way they operate is fixed but their content is flexible. In each landscape one has to determine anew how they-manifest themselves.
- Most attributes have been mentioned before in the literature, but never as a coherent set of system variables, influencing each other and with their meaning dependent on the character of the whole, whereby perception and appreciation of the whole comes first. Neither is the importance of the use of a landscape for the perception and appreciation sufficiently recognized. (Public use mainly influences perception, private use mainly influences the appreciation).
- The perception of attributes like unity and the size of a space is indicative of an integrating activity of consciousness in perception; an activity, moreover, that takes place on different levels (Hochberg 1981): unconsciously in the perception of the size of a space, already more consciously in the perception of unity (i.e. judgment enters more into the perception of unity than in the perception of the size of a space).

ad 1. Unity
Landscapes consist of elements. Examples of the elements of an agricultural landscape are farms, ditches, fields. These elements themselves are also seen as wholes consisting of parts. The elements of a ditch are banks, vegetation, verges, artefacts like bridges, dams, sluices, and even adjacent roads. Also perceived are functional qualities like suitability for fishing, canoeing, skating, ease of maintenance, suitability for drainage. So a ditch too is seen as a system, performing certain functions and possessing a characteristic organization. In a landscape, several of these systems are present and may overlap: a road can belong to the 'ditch'system but a ditch can belong to the 'road'system. Perceived properties of a system become more general and "stereotyped" as the system becomes larger ("The Netherlands is flat").
On the level of the landscape that can be overseen from a certain standpoint people distinguish the following types:
- older agricultural landscapes, generally from before a reallotment;
- modern agricultural landscapes;
- natural landscapes, e.g. forests, heather, dunes;
- polder landscapes;
- water landscapes;
- village landscapes;
- urban landscapes;
- horticultural landscapes;
- technocratic landscapes, e.g. industry, electricity works, infrastructural works.
Each type of landscape has its own character: it constitutes a separate unity. The form of the elements is of secondary importance. Each type can take many forms, i.e. the elements may vary but the character of the whole remains the same. So an agricultural landscape can consist of meadows or fields, can have ditches or fences, cows or sheep. Individual elements do not describe the character of the whole. People have a more or less clear image of what each type of landscape looks like, which elements belong to it; information is coded, there are fixed and regular combinations (Miller's "chunks"). This implies that an
element that fits into one type of landscape does not fit into another type. In the image of town people, a modern bungalow as a farmhouse does not fit into an old agricultural landscape; neither do materials like black concrete, motor tyres, or coniferous trees. These elements belong to modern agricultural landscapes, horticultural landscapes or technocratic landscapes. When a landscape takes over elements from another type then both corruption and levelling occur. The fact that an individual element may be beautiful does not lessen this effect; the character of the whole is more important for the appreciation than the character
of individual elements. Each type of landscape may be appreciated positively or negatively, depending on the completeness of the image and the presence of inappropriate elements.

ad 2. Use
Landuse determines the design of the landscape system; it is the force that gives a landscape its dynamics and its form. Apart from public use and opportunities for private use, intensity of use is noticed. Users may be people or animals. Intensity of use is seen as busy/quiet, full/empty, intensive/extensive, and spatially as front/rear (fields and villages also have a front and a rear). Expectations about intensity of use depend on the kind of users present in the landscape and the type of landscape. In a polder landscape one expects to find cows but no picknickers. A polder landscape full of cows may be experienced as quiet, while with only a few tourists it is experienced as busy. Except for the kind of user (with their attributes such as machines, motor-cars, boats, tents), the presence of provisions or facilities for use also are an indication for the intensity of use. A ditch
with a quay is experienced as more intensily used for fishing than the same ditch with a grass verge.
In the course of time, expectations about forms and intensity of use may change. Formerly, at certain times of the year, many people were at work together in an agricultural landscape. Now this work is done by hired labourers with machines; man has disappeared from the picture. (This has both visual and social consequences; not only the involvement of people in the landscape changes but also the involvement in each other). A high intensity of use by people is often appreciated negatively.
It is associated with noise, bustle, mischief, vandalism and unsafeness. A high intensity of use by strangers is appreciated more negatively than a high intensity of use by people of the same community. Many local residents stay at home in the weekend when tourists visit the forests or the beach. A low intensity of use may evoke fear of losing one's way or to being alone. (This goes for a forest as well as for a town centre). It may also be appreciated negatively.

ad 3. The physical component: soil and water
The soil is the carrier of the landscape system, the basic condition for all activities going on in the landscape. People notice the kind of soil (sand, clay, peat) and the degree of wetness, the main condition for use. But the physical component is also perceived indirectly, in the form of occupation, the kind of trees, the way villages are built (in a ribbon development or around a nucleus). Many people know the soil and drainage conditions in their area: whether it is calciferous, the ratio between clay and peat, variation in water levels between polders, local differences in density of ditches. Soil conditions are appreciated according to the activities of the perceiver. There is also a connection in the appreciation with other attributes, because it affects them, e.g. naturalness (growth conditions).

ad 4. The biotic component: naturalness
Naturalness has wide implications in common parlance. The most important criterion for naturalness is not the presence of vegetation but whether the impression is of an environment that has grown more or less spontaneously (if it forms an organic whole). This is noticed by the way the elements are shaped and how they fit in their environment. So old farms, grass-grown dikes, sandy paths and even old town centres can give an impression of naturalness. A second criterion, derived from this growth criterion, is the design of an environment. Natural is: not rigid, no square blocks with rows of uniform elements. Growth does not proceed along straight lines or continuously. The use of natural materials like wood and bricks also belongs to this criterion. As a third criterion the flora and fauna determine the impression of naturalness; whereby cows, rosebeds and maize fields are considered natural too. Naturalness overlaps with other attributes; e.g. with unity, because of the importance of the appropriateness of an element in its environment, and with historical character because of the contrast with the modern sterile large-scale style of building. Then the way an environment is managed has also implications for its perceived naturalness. Too much maintenance looks artificial; a too well- groomed forest looks like a park. This is appreciated negatively because it looks stiff and artificial and also because a park is part of an urban environment: it does not belong in a natural or an agricultural landscape. A park and a forest ought to look different because they belong to different types of landscapes. (Although in a park too one can experience nature exquisitely). With too little maintenance a forest looks like a wilderness. This is too much naturalness and is appreciated negatively too.

ad 5. The spatial arrangement: spatiality
Aspects are: the size and form of space, differences in height of elements (vertical differentiation) and the composition or patterning of the elements (horizontal differentiation). The perception of spatiality is effected by the integration of information on these three aspects. The perception of an aspect is effected by the integration of information on different cues for that aspect. For instance, cues for the perception of the size of a space are: the open surface of an area, the texture of the soil and the soil ' covering, the height and texture of the walls, the presence of isolated objects in space like trees or cattle, colour, lighting, microrelief. Information on these cues is integrated unconsciously, but people do have a mental picture of the spatial properties of the different types of landscapes. The appreciation of the size of a space depends on the type of landscape and on how other attributes occur, especially naturalness. In an agricultural landscape in the North of the Netherlands a large open space is appreciated positively because one has overview; it is a positive quality. In the South of the Netherlands (with other soil conditions) a large open space in an agricultural landscape is mostly appreciated negatively, because it means that vegetation has been removed; it denotes the absence of a quality (naturalness); it is emptiness, something is missing. In the appreciation of height differences and patterning it is important which elements give rise to the differences, especially their ordering. A collection of elements, e.g. a ditch, a meadow, a maize field, a farm, and trees can have a good arrangement (i.e. in order of size) or a bad arrangement (tall elements in the foreground). People have outspoken ideas about what is a right or a wrong arrangement, although these can differ between individuals.

ad 6. Development: the behaviour of the landscape system in time
(a) Historical character
This is the linear development of the system. It is mainly manifested in cultural elements, although old trees also contribute to this attribute. Often it is called the historical character of a landscape, but in fact it comprises its whole development; its growth, not in space (that is naturalness) but in time. It is the continuity of culture reflected in the landscape. The presence of isolated historical objects (relics) is the least important of its aspects, for, just because they are isolated, detached from the stream of culture and disconnected from their environment, they are in fact ahistorical. If an element is still taken up in the stream of culture is mainly determined by its use. In fact, three things are important in the appreciation of a historical element in a landscape: does it still fit in its environment; does it still exert its function (or: a function); and how is it managed? The appreciation of a historical element is significantly greater if it still forms a part of a historical environment (not necessarily of the same age) and if it still exerts its function. If the element has acquired a new function adaptations may be criticized (e.g. rebuilding with very large windows, putting a new facade on an old shop, putting up advertising hoardings). Good maintenance of historical elements is very important. Old and dilapidated is appreciated negatively; old and well-maintained, positively. It is not that old is always good and modern ugly: many other criteria play a role.
(b) Seasonal aspects
This is the cyclical development of the system. The seasons not only find expression in phenomenal qualities such as the changing of colour of trees. The seasons are in the first place connected with different but ever-recurring activities in the landscape. In former days this connection was much stronger than it is now, as is apparent from the old practice of naming the months after typical agricultural activities, and it is not so long ago that in villages children's holidays were set according to these activities. Nowadays, the seaons determine the flow of daily activities less and less; they mainly influence recreational activities. This makes the pictorial qualities of the seasons more important.
The appreciation of seasonal aspects also depends on accompanying changes in other attributes, such as use (skating is fun), naturalness, spatiality (in winter, space is experienced both as larger and smaller: larger because of the finer grain and greater uniformity of the soil covering (snow) and smaller because the outlines of the background are sharper), and phenomenal aspects (in rural and natural areas each season has its typical colours, sounds, smells).

ad 7. Management
Aspects are: providing facilities for use, e.g. quays for fishing; the regulation of use via rules; maintenance; and control on the observance of the rules. Good management also has to adapt to the exigencies of time; it is not only caring for a landscape so that it is fit for use, but also caring that a landscape is up-to-date. That is why fallow land and dilapidated buildings are appreciated negatively. Although maintenance is always appreciated positively, the expected amount of maintenance depends on the type of landscape: a modern agricultural landscape can tolerate less neglect and carelessness than an old agricultural landscape in the view of people. (There are also national differences in standards for maintenance). In maintenance, too, too much and too little are appreciated negatively. Too much is artificial, sterile: one cannot do anything anymore. Too little looks shabby: one won't do anything anymore. Further, this is a cumulative process: a shabby environment is treated with less respect than a neat one.

ad 8. Phenomenal aspects
These are the sensuous impressions a perceiver may experience in a landscape without them being analysed for meaning, without regard for their information content, apart from their message. Examples are sounds, smells, inanimate movement, colours, taste and tactile impres sions, lightfall, light-shadow, temperature, humidity, wind, the feeling of loose sand or pine-needles under one's feet, the rustling of trees. Colours are especially important. People often have a clear notion which
colours objects in the landscape such as power lines, silos, farmstead roofs, ought to have, although these notions may differ markedly among individuals.
Although many sensuous impressions are only temporary, or even momentary, they strongly influence appreciation.

Some Applications of the Dominant Perceptual Attributes in Planning.
The dominant perceptual attributes are abstract variables. Recommendations for their application in planning procedures can therefore only be abstract too. Environmental psychologists work inductively; they abstract general rules from individual cases. Planners and designers work deductively; they translate general rules into concrete measures. (In a number of studies, psychologists have found that people like complexity. Now a designer has to produce complexity in a concrete building or landscape). However, a designer/planner and a psychologist may meet at the abstract level of planning principles. Here are some examples.

Van Rijn (1976) makes a link between alienation and properties of the environment. According to him, people have three needs concerning the environment: for structure, orientation and overview. (The latter two needs are both aspects of structure: orientation is based on the position of an element in its context, and to have overview refers to the possibility of forming an internal representation of the environment. Both are based an the seeing of relationships). If these needs are not satisfied, alienation occurs. This notion can now be extended and made operational. Extended: Perception is three-fold; the aspects
being structuring, meaning attribution and action-foundation. Lack of any of these three can cause alienation, not only structure.
Operationalization: the dominant perceptual attributes can be profitably used to describe a landscape system. In-depth interviews can be used to obtain information from residents and other users regarding shortcoming on these attributes. For instance, the legal procedure for making Environmental Impact Assessments is sorely in need of this kind of variables, the only measure (for social impact) now being an aesthetic one. Further, in planning circles the concept of disharmonious areas has been introduced. Disharmony and alienation are closely connected. In the eyes of the inhabitants of an area, disharmony could occur:
- when the structure or the coherence of a landscape is impaired, e.g. by the introduction of too many inappropriate elements;
- when the attribution of meaning is thwarted, e.g. by obscurity of functions, by disaccordance between form and function, or by too much centralization of decisions so that residents don't know the why, when and how of changes in their environment;
- when opportunities for personal use are severely restricted, e.g. by strong curtailment of the environment, or by strong regulation or reduction of activities.
This can take place on different levels: inside a landscape system and between systems, e.g. when in a system divergent forms of use are introduced with elements that cannot be combined; or when in an area different
systems are located that cannot be combined, such as a highway through a residential area.

In writings on planning or design, depreciation is sometimes expressed for a supposed resistance to change in people (also called conservatism, nostalgia, or the fear for the new landscape; e.g. Lörzing 1982). However, the wish to preserve the old must not be interpreted as a resistance to change or a wish to fix the past. Each force evokes a counterforce; each action a reaction. Technology has developed at such a rate in the last twenty years that the counterforce, the so-called nostalgia, has also become stronger. Technical developments are considered as progress. Nostalgia, however, must not be considered as
a wish for retrogression, a return to the past. It is a wish for the preservation not of concrete situations but of qualities in the
environment, not in the form of the conservation of historical elements but as guarantees that new environments have qualities too. These qualities are not necessarily tied up with the past; new landscapes can have qualities too. So the solution is not to suppress the antithesis (nostalgia) by denying it, but to dissipate it by reaching a balance or a synthesis. However, Waterbolk (1984) is pessimistic about the possibility of reaching a balance:
New balances cannot arise anymore. In the landscape new structures do not combine with old ones anymore, as happened in the past. On the contrary, they dominate the old structures so much that these are no longer recognizable and the identity of the landscape is lost.
The balance people desire is not a static one but dynamic. This means, among other things, that development and preservation are not considered as two independent and spatially separated processes, each with its own place in the landscape. According to the residents of an area a balance is not reached by dividing an area geographically into a historical part and a modern part. For them, it is important that an integration of the old and the new is attained. A landscape has to form one system, not two or three; then man is himself split up and cannot function as an integrated whole.
Here, too, the dominant perceptual attributes offer a method to describe the impact of changes in the landscape as experienced by people. However, there is one bottleneck: they first have to be made operational. That will be the next step in research.

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