Oil Extraction and Benefit Sharing in an Illiberal Context: The Nenets and Komi-Izhemtsi Indigenous Peoples in the Russian Arctic
Tysyachnyouk, M. ; Henry, L.A. ; Lamers, M.A.J. ; Tatenhove, J.P.M. van - \ 2018
Society & Natural Resources 31 (2018)5. - ISSN 0894-1920 - p. 556 - 579.
benefit sharing - corporate social responsibility - illiberalism - indigenous people - non-governmental organizations - oil company - Russia
How can indigenous communities in illiberal regimes benefit from oil production? This paper compares the experience of two indigenous peoples in the Russian Arctic, the Nenets and the Komi-Izhemtsi, in their quest for environmental protection and the development of benefit-sharing arrangements with Lukoil, a Russian oil company. The Nenets people, recognized by the Russian state as indigenous, are marginalized political actors who identified a route to receiving compensation for loss of land and damage to the environment as well as economic benefits under the auspices of Russian law and Lukoil’s corporate policies. In contrast, the Komi-Izhemtsi, despite indigenous status in global institutions including the United Nations and the Arctic Council, are unrecognized as indigenous domestically and initially received no compensation. Their path to benefit sharing was more challenging as they partnered with local nongovernmental organizations and global environmentalists to pressure Lukoil to sign a benefit-sharing agreement. Ultimately, the comparison illustrates how transnational partnerships can empower indigenous people to gain benefits from natural resource exploitation even in illiberal political systems.
Networked health sector governance and state-building legitimacy in conflict-affected fragile states : the variable impact of non-state provision of public health services in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo
Aembe, Bwimana - \ 2017
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): D.J.M. Hilhorst, co-promotor(en): D. Dijkzeul; Murhega Mashanda Job. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789463431606 - 231
governance - health - congo democratic republic - central government - local area networks - non-governmental organizations - conflict - governance - gezondheid - democratische republiek kongo - rijksoverheid - lokale netwerken - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - conflict
State fragility in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has impacted the state’s ability to provide public services, as well as and the population’s experiences and perceptions of the state. For public health and for social welfare more broadly, the contributions of the state are weak and contingent on the involvement of non-state service providers (NSPs). The population has become dependent on non-state actors for the provision of basic social services, and NSPs are especially important in public health, where their engagement accounts for the survival of the sector. The state and NSPs interact through networked governance, where relevant actors are involved in a network through resource interdependency, cooperation, collaboration and even competition to achieve social goals (Klijn, 2004). Networked governance processes in the DRC public health sector take place at three structural levels: national, provincial and operational. Networked governance serves as an institutionalised public model for health sector management through these three levels.
A great deal of previous work has studied the link between legitimacy and state service delivery, but there has been little investigation of the link between basic service provision by NSPs and state legitimacy in fragile states. This study explored how the networked governance of the health sector contributes to state-building processes and to state legitimacy in the DRC, also examining how the image of the state is shaped by NSP service provision. The study focused on state-building outcomes related to effective public health governance, the strengthening of system management and health service provision through state–non-state interactions. The study also explored state legitimacy and the population’s experiences and perceptions of the state, in a context where the delivery of public health services is mediated by non-state actors.
The research was guided by the following key question:
How does the networked governance of health services, involving state and non-state actors through multi-stakeholder interactions, affect state-building and legitimacy in the fragile setting of eastern Democratic Republic of Congo?
Networked Governance in the Management of the DRC’s Health Sector
Non-state stakeholders have been actively involved in the delivery of basic public services throughout the history of the DRC (Pearson, 2011; Seay, 2013; Waldman, 2006). Some scholars have argued that strong inputs from NSPs, supported by international funding, gives the DRC’s health sector its ‘current resilient’ outlook (Pearson, 2011: 12; Seay, 2013). Although these inputs have not been homogeneous across provinces or health zones (HZs) within provinces (Pavignani, Michael, Murru, Beesley & Hill, 2013; Pearson, 2011), their aggregate contribution accounts for the persistence of the sector in terms of policy making and enforcement, health system management and service delivery.
NSPs can be categorised as national or international, and as traditional or situational partners. Faith-based organisations (FBOs) are classified as national and as traditional partners of the state. International actors recognised as traditional health policy partners mostly include bilateral and multilateral institutions that have long supported state-building in the DRC. In contrast, most international NGOs are situational partners whose emergence was spurred by state fragility and the humanitarian consequences of wars. In collaboration with the Ministry of Health (MoH), traditional international partners contribute to the process of national policy making and system strengthening. Situational partners are mostly engaged in unintegrated projects and humanitarian interventions focusing on circumstantial situations of social vulnerability. Through their frequent use of different policies and stand-alone projects, these organisations have involuntarily contributed to a decentralised and rather fragmented system. Traditional partners such as FBOs and international donor organisations play a crucial role in the networked governance of the health sector and in public health care delivery.
Networked Governance and State Legitimacy in the DRC’s Fragile Health Sector
The DRC has a long history of state fragility and deficiencies in performing the functions of modern states. NSPs operate like surrogate state service providers, and both the state and NSPs are engaged in the process of health care provision through networked governance.
In this study’s examination of state legitimacy, ‘a state is more legitimate the more it is treated by its citizens as rightfully holding and exercising political power’ (Gilley, 2006). A lack of legitimacy is a major contributor to state fragility, because it undermines state authority (Unsworth, 2010). In most cases, declines in service delivery have been found to reduce the population’s support of the state and its leadership (OECD/DAC, 2008). However, little is known about how this works in fragile settings characterised by institutional multiplicity, so how NSP interventions contribute to state legitimacy was treated as an open question in this study.
Actor-oriented Interactions in the Networked Governance of the DRC’s Health Sector
Networked governance arrangements in the DRC’s health sector have the characteristics of a social arena, which is ‘typical of actor-oriented interactions’ (Hilhorst & Jansen, 2010). As symbolic locations, arenas are neither geographical entities nor organisational systems; rather, they describe the political actions of all of the social actors involved in a specific issue (Kitschelt 1980 in Renn, 1993).
The Multilevel Nature of Health Sector Networked Governance Arenas
Health sector governance in the DRC has a pyramidal organisation involving the central (national), intermediate (provincial) and operational (HZ) levels (Bukonda, Chand, Disashi, Lumbala & Mbiye, 2012).
The central level consists of the national MoH, which is expected to play a strategic role, engaging in policy formulation, elaboration of the mechanisms for public policy implementation, sector funding and high-level interactions with non-state stakeholders (i.e. signing framework agreements or specific agreements). The MoH is responsible for general sector policy and system regulation, national programmes and tertiary hospitals (Waldman, 2006). Although policy making is an exclusive function of the MoH (Zinnen, 2012), donors and other development partners inform and support the process through technical and financial assistance.
The intermediate level concerns the management of the provincial health system and the oversight of the operational (HZ) level. The intermediate level organises and provides technical support to the HZ (World Bank, 2005). At this level, state and non-state actors interact to improve the structural system governance and to manage the provision of health services. Through the Comité Provincial de Pilotage Santé, stakeholders work towards harmonising interventions and establishing the model of engagement at the provincial level. Using HZ evidence-based reports, the Comité Provincial de Pilotage Santé defines provincial-level stakeholder priorities in line with the national health policy.
The HZ is the operational unit that integrates primary health care services and the first-referral level. An HZ covers an average population of 110,000 and consists of a central HZ office, an array of health posts and centres, and a general referral hospital (Carlson, Maw & Mafuta, 2009). Because of the lack of government financing over the last decades, HZs and their constituent facilities have operated with considerable autonomy, although MoH structures have retained administrative control, particularly over human resources (Carlson et al., 2009). Many facilities have become in effect privatised, relying on patient fees to pay staff and operating costs. At the HZ level, networked governance of the local health system takes place through the Bureau Central de Zone de Santé (HZ Management Board). In this arena, interactions take place among representatives of the state, non-state actors (where possible) and community-based organisations—especially the community health development committees (Comité de Développement Sanitaires).
This research is part of the Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium, which focuses on state legitimacy, capacity for state-building and livelihood trajectories in conflict-affected situations (Levine, 2014). This study fell under the first two of these themes, with a focus on the population’s experiences, perceptions and expectations regarding state legitimacy and on building effective states that deliver services and social protection. This study began in 2012, with the empirical research starting in August 2013. The fieldwork lasted 19 months, ending in April 2015.
Most of the research was conducted in the province of South Kivu, with complementary data collection in Kinshasa. A case study design was used, with two multi-stakeholder governance arrangements serving as the cases. The first case was performance-based financing (PBF), which is the transfer of money or material goods from a funder to a contracting recipient, on the condition that the recipient will take a measurable action or achieve a predetermined performance goal. The second case was a community-based health insurance (CBHI) programme—Mutuelle de Santé (MUS). The case study of PBF focused on health system governance because of PBF’s pivotal role in the process of building the health system. The CBHI case study explored MUS outcomes related to equity in access to health services, protection from financial risk and the financing of health services. The CBHI case study was based primarily on observations in a rural area (Katana) and a semi-urban area (Uvira).
Focusing on the multilevel networked governance of the DRC’s health sector, this study drew on institutional ethnography, which examines work processes and studies how they are coordinated, typically through examining various texts and discourses (Smith, 2009). Attention was given to discourses, relationship patterns, writings and multi-stakeholder governance arrangements throughout study period.
Six types of participants were interviewed: public health officials and state actors from MoH offices at national and provincial levels (approximately 30 participants); representatives of donor organisations, international NGOs and national NGOs (16 organisations: three donor organisations, six international organisations and seven national NGOs); health service providers throughout the province (20 medical doctors); individuals involved in the management of CBHI/MUS at multiple levels, especially in Katana and Uvira (approximately 68 participants); CBOs (35 people from Comité de Développement de l’Aire de Santé, CODESA); and community members (beneficiaries, clients and citizens), especially in Katana, Bukavu, Uvira and Idjwi (approximately 1,000 participants). For the last category of respondents, community opinions on health services, the state and NSPs were assessed through interviewees’ personal storytelling, semi-structured interviews and focus groups. To assess the baseline situation in the health sector, a content analysis of the four main official policy papers was also conducted.
Main Research Findings
The findings of this research revolved around three main study concerns: 1) the institutional outlook, functioning and state-building outcomes of networked health governance and international intervention models; 2) the review of the two schemes fostering networked governance through multi-stakeholder governance engagement; and 3) the exploration of the impact of NSP interventions on the population’s perceptions and the legitimacy of the state.
Institutional Functioning and State-building Outcomes of Networked Health Governance and International Intervention Models
Networked health sector governance and state-building outcomes (chapter 2). Longstanding patterns of interaction exist between state and non-state actors seeking to improve public health in the DRC. In many cases, private actors have stepped in to fill the void created by the lack of state health care provision. The findings demonstrate that state–non-state interactions in the DRC’s health sector create a burgeoning form of multilevel networked governance and that these interactions play a role in explaining the persistence of the health sector despite the weakness of the state. It is difficult to assess the real influence of these interactions on state-building in a context of critical fragility, where coordination and alignment are problematic. The findings also indicate that several factors—specifically, the fragmented nature of interventions conducted by the majority of international NGOs, imbalanced power relations during negotiations with development partners and weaknesses in governance—impede the construction of a coherent, resilient and sustainable health system in the DRC. Generally, the findings indicate that networked governance through interactions between the state and non-state providers may contribute to state-building.
State fragility discourse and the challenge of policy coalition-building for interventions programming and stakeholder engagement models (Chapter 3)
State fragility is a discourse without a policy coalition in the DRC’s health sector governance network. The government and donors/international NGOs have not yet harmonised their perceptions of fragility. These key stakeholders have also not reached a common understanding on intervention policy, and there is a clash between opposing institutional logics in the processes of policy making and intervention programming. The contentious nature of the concept of fragile statehood has hampered the construction of a policy coalition for health sector interventions. Donors rationalise the persistence of emergency-based interventions by emphasising fragile statehood, whereas state officials assert political statehood and argue for a paradigm shift towards a higher degree of state control. The lack of consensus around state fragility has influenced perceptions of the state and international NGOs/donors in their engagement with health interventions programming in the DRC. Government officials in the DRC see fragile statehood as a stigmatising concept that contributes to difficulties with getting international NGOs to comply with the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. However, representatives of the state and donor organisations agree that, because public health sector funding is lacking, donors’ financial contributions ensure the sector’s survival.
Multi-stakeholder Health System Arrangements: Strengthening Networked Health Governance and Community Health Coverage
International organisations and donors have supported schemes, such as PBF and CBHI/MUS, which have impacted the networked governance and system-building in the local health sector, as well as improving health care delivery.
PBF and strengthening public health governance (Chapter 4)
This study examined the effectiveness of PBF in three areas of health system governance: structural governance from a capacity-building perspective, health service provision management and demand-side empowerment for effective accountability. In general, the study found that PBF positively impacted the process of health system-building in these three areas. Although much is still lacking, health governance and the provision of services have improved, and patient-centred care and social accountability have strengthened the provider–patient relationship. The research found positive outcomes for incentive-based contracting and output-based financing. However, donors, state officials and other stakeholders doubt the sustainability of these approaches, and PBF faces obstacles associated with state fragility. In addition to structural threats and uncertain sustainability, transforming transactional motivation into transformational change is a challenge. Ultimately, the research found out that PBF supports health sector-based state-building, but it cannot repair a collapsed state.
CBHI and community health coverage (Chapter 5)
The MUS CBHI scheme began operating just after the wars in South Kivu. The research findings indicate that MUS schemes lead to improvements in access and social protection only for a portion of the population. Similar findings for outcomes related to resource mobilisation and the financial sustainability of the health sector point to continued management challenges facing MUS schemes. These challenges are compounded by state fragility. To contribute effectively to universal health coverage, the state should reinforce its stewardship presence in strengthening MUS.
NSPs and Local Perceptions of the State (Chapter 6)
Service provision—especially health care delivery—serves as a public sphere and an arena for interactions and multi-stakeholder processes. The findings indicated that the population’s perceptions of the state reflect a breach of social contract, because the state has failed to live up to the population’s needs and expectations. The presence of NSPs may have negative effects on the population’s perceptions of the state, because NSPs’ performance establishes their benevolent image while solidifying a negative image of the state. However, the state-building legitimacy outcomes of NSPs’ engagement in this context are contingent on how the services are delivered: When NSPs engage with the state on the ground, people also see the state in action. People then assign credit not only to the NSPs, but also to the state, which is important for state-building and legitimacy. There is no direct correlation between service provision by NSPs and the positive image of the state; what positively impacts the image of the state is its visibility on the ground.
Overall, this study explored state-building outcomes resulting from networked health sector governance in a war-affected context with an empirically weak state. In this context, the public health provision inputs of NSPs are crucial for the population’s welfare. The findings indicate that NSP engagement contributes strongly to public health provision and the management of the health system. However, state fragility has a negative impact on networked health governance and donor-supported interventions. Bids to respond to population vulnerability and humanitarian needs should include state-building engagement, as state fragility hampers the success and undermines the sustainability of any rational intervention carried out by non-state actors.
Non-governmental organizations and the sustainability of small and medium-sized enterprises in Peru : an analysis of networks and discourses
Castro Aponte, W.V. - \ 2013
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Arthur Mol, co-promotor(en): Kris van Koppen. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789461735805 - 296
niet-gouvernementele organisaties - ondernemingen - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - samenwerking - peru - ontwikkelingslanden - zuid-amerika - non-governmental organizations - enterprises - sustainability - cooperation - peru - developing countries - south america
The importance of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in terms of employment and income generation has been recognized worldwide. In Peru, SMEs are responsible for 85% of the employment at the national level and they represent 98% of the total companies registered. Around 12% of SMEs, organized in associations, clusters, and cooperatives or as single companies, are dedicated to productive actives; the others are engaged in commercial and services activities. However, next to their positive economic role, SMEs are also responsible for significant disturbances of nature, environmental degradation and threats to human health. Environmental pollution related to the increase of productive activities has become evident in Peru and the entire region of Latin America.
The thesis aims to provide a better understanding of the changing roles of NGOs in promoting sustainability of SMEs in Peru, using the perspectives of networks and discourses. It focuses on three domains, which together are characteristic for promoting of SME sustainability in Peru: organic production (the first case study), business social responsibility (the second cases study) and sustainable production (the third case study). Three research questions have been outlined for this research: First, what are the networks of NGOs promoting sustainability of SMEs involved in the domains of organic production, business social responsibility and sustainable production in Peru, and what are the main changes in time in these networks? Second, what are the main discourses fostering sustainability that prevail and are articulated in these networks of NGOs and what are the main changes in time in these discourses? And finally, how to understand and assess the actual, new and potential roles of NGOs in promoting sustainability of SMEs in terms of network society theory and ecological modernization theory?
In this study the universe of NGOs is narrowed to NGOs operating in Peru that provide support (a) to medium and small scale producers and producer associations to bring organic products to local and global markets, (b) to urban and rural small scale enterprises to adopt cleaner production and appropriate technologies, and/or (c) to SMEs to upgrade social and environmental standards within value chains involving large companies. Some SMEs are concentrated in the main cities of Peru such as Trujillo, Arequipa and Lima, while other SMEs, such as organic food producers, are spread all over the country. In any case, SMEs under this research have collaboration ties with the NGOs to be studied. The research questions were investigated by means of more than 28 interviews with representatives of local NGOs, international NGOs, local SMEs and the national government, carried out in the period of 2006 to 2010. Additionally, documents and internet sources were consulted.
The networks involved in promoting the sustainability of SMEs are: the agro-ecological network, the organic market network and the ecological farming network in the first case study; the social justice network and the business network in the second case study; and the eco-efficiency network, the appropriate technology network, the cleaner technology network, the technological innovation network and the urban cleaner production network in the third case study.
The main actors identified in the networks of the organic production domain are: the Ecological Agriculture Network of Peru (RAE Peru), Grupo Ecologica Peru and the National Ecological Producers Association (ANPE). RAE Peru consists of 16 individual NGOs operating throughout Peru and has led several initiatives (i.e. Biocanastas, Bioferias, Biostores) to develop the organic market in Peru. Grupo Ecologica Peru consists of 5 NGOs and 24 producers, including associations and individual producers, and it commercializes organic products at local competitive markets (i.e. the Bioferia Miraflores farmers’ market) and provides the supply of organic food to supermarkets. ANPE Peru consists of 22 organic small scale producer associations (including small food processers and family small-scale enterprises). ANPE’s constituencies produce and commercialize organic food in 13 farmers’ markets throughout the country.
The main actors identified in the business social responsibility networks are: the Labor Advisory Council of Peru (CEDAL), the Center of Studies for Development and Participation (CEDEP) and Peru 2021. CEDAL and CEDEP promote business social responsibility for urban and rural small enterprises in Peru in order to meet national regulation and international standards on labor rights and good environmental practices. CEDAL has been collaborating with 60 small enterprises of garment and handy craft makers, organized in clusters, who commercialize their products directly to consumers or business intermediaries oriented at domestic and foreign markets. CEDEP collaborates with small and medium-sized agri-industries, small garment workshops, shoemakers, metal workshops and bakeries to adopt business social responsibility principles by improving working conditions for their employees and sustainable production practices. Peru 2021 collaborates only with SMEs that are providers of larger companies in value chains promoting social and environmental standards.
The main actors involved in the sustainable production networks are: the Eco-efficiency and Social Responsibility Center (CER), the Institute for the Transfer of Technology for Marginal Sectors (ITACAB), the National Council of Science and Technology (CONCYTEC), the Centers of Technological Innovation (CITEs) and the Peruvian Institute of Social Economy (IPES). While CER, IPES and most of CITEs are NGOs, ITACAB and CONCYTEC are (inter)governmental agencies. CER provides consultancy for small scale suppliers of larger domestic companies and single SMEs exporting to international markets. Through the projects EcoADEX, EcoHotels and EcoParks CER aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, increase eco-efficiency, optimize production and services processes and reduce operation costs in SMEs. ITACAB promotes technological transfer to small scale rural enterprises through the Center for Technological Transferring Resources. CONCYTEC promotes technological transfer for SMEs but it is currently dispersed into several institutional programmes. CITEs provide production technologies services to SMEs. In total there are 13 CITEs throughout Peru, each one specialized in particular type of products (i.e. leather and shoemaking, wood and furniture, wine and horticulture, tropical fruits and medicinal plants, garment, agro-industry, textile, logistic and tracing, software and forest wood). Finally, IPES promotes cleaner technologies in small scale industries and workshops located in urban areas. During the last year, IPES is focusing on the establishing of recycling SMEs of electronic waste. As this overview shows, in the sustainable production domain, not only NGOs perform central roles but also governmental agencies. In some cases, quite close cooperation occurs between NGOs and governmental agencies.
In all three cases, networks of sustainability of SMEs are structured as interlinked platforms operating at local, national, Latin American and global level. For instance, in the organic production networks the Bioferias are at the local level, the Peruvian Agroecological Consortium at the national level, MAELA and GALCI at Latin American level and IFOAM at global level. Platforms include civil society, market and state actors. For instance, in the business social responsibility networks the civil society actors are CEDEP and CEDAL, in the organic production networks the market actors are the small scale enterprises affiliated with ANPE and Grupo Ecologica Peru, and in the sustainable production networks the state actors are CONCYTEC (governmental agency), ITACAB (inter-governmental agency) and the CITEs central office (OTCIT). Coordination and channeling of resources in the network platforms are performed by key actors, such as RAE Peru, Grupo Ecologica Peru, ANPE, Peru 2021, CEDAL, CEDEP, CER, CONCYTEC, ITACAB, OTCIT and IPES.
The ten networks are composed by diverse types of NGOs. Next to conventional NGOs as key actors, producer NGOs, market NGOs, business NGOs, technocratic NGOs and government organized NGOs (GONGOs) have emerged. Although NGOs are central in most networks, (inter)governmental agencies (GONGOs) are also central in the cleaner technology network, the appropriate technology network and the technological innovation network. CONCYTEC, ITACAB and the CITES’ central office (OTCIT) are agencies that are part of the governmental structure, but they operate in practice pretty much as NGOs. Hence, NGOs and these (inter) governmental agencies perform similar roles in the networks, compete for funding and operate projects funded by international cooperation agencies. Therefore, the (inter)governmental agencies (GONGOs) that are part of these networks of sustainability of SMEs has been found out to be less effective in promoting sustainability of SMEs than more typical NGOs. As a result of this diversification of NGOs the struggle for leading positions in the network platforms and the competition for scarce funding and operate projects of international cooperation agencies have also intensified. This diversification of NGOs and, above all, the increasing of service-like NGOs aim to fulfill the business growth and market demands of SMEs in collaborating with market actors. Hence, new types of NGOs emerge to fulfill market demands.
The discourses that NGOs and SMEs endorse in the networks of sustainability of SMEs are: market adaptation, market access or market democratization in the first case study; business upgrading and corporate responsibility in the second case study; and cleaner production and appropriate technology in the third case study. NGOs and SMEs involved in the networks of organic production endorse one of the following three discourses: market adaptation, market access or market democratization. The main storyline of the first discourse is that NGOs and small scale producers are forced to get new capacities and to adapt to the free market. Small scale producers do not have the competences to adapt to the free market by themselves, and NGOs play a crucial role in assisting them. The main storyline of the second discourse is that small scale producers are eager to move to competitive markets. Support is needed from specialized agents in managerial and technological issues to organize supply to competitive local and international organic markets. The main storyline of the last discourse is the prioritization of making the organic market also interesting for low and medium income consumers. Rather than adapt or access to the free market, small scale producers intend to build up a fair relationship with the market by making organic products available to all income groups.
NGOs and SMEs in the business social responsibility networks endorse one of the following two discourses: business upgrading or corporate responsibility. In the first discourse, business social responsibility is seen as a strategy to match economic and social rights with sustainability of small scale enterprises. Connecting small scale enterprises with larger companies and influencing them to become sustainable is central in the discourse. In the second discourse, business social responsibility is seen as a business strategy that contributes to sustainability of larger companies and their supply value chains. Only small providers of large profitable value chains have the capacity to adopt social and environmental standards.
NGOs and SMEs involved in the networks of sustainable production endorse one of the following two discourses: cleaner production or appropriate technology. In the first discourse, cleaner production is seen as a business strategy to make SME production more efficient and sustainable. Allocating the most up-to-date modern technology is considered as the best way to reduce environmental impacts and increase competitiveness. The discourse focuses on SMEs that are well established in the local market and have the capacities to reach international markets. In the second discourse, appropriate technology is seen as tailor-made technology adjusted to the needs of SMEs, particularly of micro and small enterprises. Low capital, small scale and suitable technology for the local social, economic and cultural setting are central in the discourse. The discourse highlights the use of renewable energy, development of local markets and poverty fighting.
The seven discourses emphasize either market justice or sustainable market. This means that the discourses are different in their position towards social movement and the market. The discourses of sustainability of SMEs have evolved from long-standing antagonist discourses: the liberal market discourse on one hand and the social movement discourse on the other hand, which can be considered as the ‘mother’ discourses of the discourses of sustainability of SMEs. While the cleaner production discourse and the corporate responsibility discourse have their origins in the liberal market discourse, the market democratization discourse, the market adaptation discourse, the market access discourse, the business upgrading discourse and the appropriate technology discourse have their origins in the social movement discourse. Hence, the discourses of sustainability of SMEs share views with their mother discourses. Only, the market access discourse strongly diverges from its origins. The difference between market justice discourses and sustainable market discourses has to do with their interpretation of environmental reform and sustainability.
In sum, the identified changes are expressed in new roles for NGOs. Next to the usual ‘watchdog’ roles, NGOs are developing roles of ‘helper’ in order to answer to the market needs of SMEs. The new roles are performed not only by new types of NGOs but also by ‘reoriented’ conventional NGOs. Consequently, NGOs have become market agents as a result of their new roles. Finally, the findings contribute to the theoretical debates on network society theory and ecological modernization theory. The analysis of networks promoting sustainability of SMEs helps to understand more deeply the way non-state actors cooperate, and challenges Castells’ scheme of space of flows versus space of place. Both spaces are connected and integrated in aiming for sustainability. Actors use rationalities, logics and power resources related to both spaces. Amending ecological modernization theory, the analysis suggests that it is needed to consider both ecological rationality and social rationality in order to advance environmental reform of SMEs in developing countries. The research also sheds light of issues of power. NGOs are becoming more collaborative and less confrontational, more conciliatory and less dogmatic towards market actors, but they remain rather conflictive and competitive towards fellow NGOs. Power of SMEs is not acknowledged in most discourses. However, SMEs show their power either by accepting or denying engage to the networks, either by collaborating or pressuring key actors and either by subscribing or being indifferent to the discourses. This power of SMEs pushes the networks to become more inclusive, participatory and valuable for SMEs. It rests on the capacity to be anchored within local social networks.
Civil society in urban sanitation and solid waste management: The role of NGOs and CBOs in metropolises of East Africa
Tukahirwa, J. - \ 2011
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Arthur Mol, co-promotor(en): Peter Oosterveer. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789461730121 - 166
maatschappelijk middenveld - volksgezondheidsbevordering - afvalbeheer - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - maatschappelijke betrokkenheid - stedelijke samenleving - bevolkingsgroepen met een laag inkomen - milieubeleid - steden - oost-afrika - uganda - civil society - sanitation - waste management - non-governmental organizations - community involvement - urban society - low income groups - environmental policy - towns - east africa - uganda
Urban sanitation and solid waste management are among the most significant factors that affect the poor in developing countries and contribute to their sustained poverty. It is the poorest people, particularly children, who suffer most from weak or non-existent services, through illness, distress and many early and preventable deaths. This intolerable state of affairs is caused by a combination of political, socio-economic, cultural, and technological aspects. In recent years, sanitation and solid waste management have received increasing attention as shown in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which aim at halving the proportion of the population without access to sustainable basic sanitation by 2015 and at achieving significant improvements in the lives of slum-dwellers by 2020 (MDG Goal 7). Today, with less than five and ten years to fulfill these targets,when compared to other developing continents, Africa is lagging behind and there is need for effective action to address this challenge.
This research is placed within this debate and tries to contribute to achieving the aim of universal access to sanitation and solid waste management services. The focus is on the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and community-based organizations (CBOs) in urban slums of East Africa because these organizations are considered key players in the provision of sanitary and solid waste disposal services in such areas and yet their work has not been critically assessed. Two main questions were addressed; (i) In what ways are NGOs/CBOs participating in the development and implementation of sanitation and solid waste management and what are the key factors influencing their participation? (ii) How and to what extent are the sanitation and solid waste management activities of NGOs/CBOs sustainable; accessible to the poor; and flexible and resilient under changing socio-political, institutional and economic conditions? The conceptual framework developed for answering these research questions was based on the Modernized Mixtures Approach and several other theories (such as partnership paradigm, social network theory and institutional pluralism) that serve to explain key factors influencing the role of NGOs/CBOs in such activities.
The research confirmed that NGOs/CBOs are fully involved in the provision of the two services and the idea of environmental partnership is widely shared and supported. Empirical evidence gathered showed a modernized mixture model emerging, where the conventional advocates of large-scale, privatized, and high-technological sanitation and solid waste services partner with NGOs/CBOs. This research also found that access to sanitation and solid waste services is driven by both NGOs/CBOs and the urban poor in collaboration. Social proximity is important, next to the conventional factors of spatial proximity, socio-economic characteristics and perception of the perceived competence of NGOs/CBOs. User acceptance of innovative technologies was found to be a key factor when trying to improve sanitary facilities for the urban poor.
Keywords: Sanitation, Solid Waste Management, East Africa, NGOs, CBOs, Modernized Mixtures Approach
The accidental city : violence, economy and humanitarianism in Kakuma refugee camp Kenya
Jansen, B.J. - \ 2011
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Thea Hilhorst. - [S.l.] : S.n. - ISBN 9789085858591 - 273
rampen - oorlog - vluchtelingen - noodgevallen - sociologie - agressief gedrag - organisatie - bevolkingsverplaatsing - economie - vn - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - plaatselijk bestuur - plaatselijke bevolking - kenya - afrika - disasters - war - refugees - emergencies - sociology - aggressive behaviour - organization - resettlement - economics - un - non-governmental organizations - local government - local population - kenya - africa
In this research I examine social ordering processes in Kakuma refugee camp in
Kenya. I view the camp as an accidental city, by which I challenge the image of
the camp as a temporary and artificial waiting space or a protracted refugee crisis
per se. The reference to the city is both metaphorically and physically relevant. First,
the metaphorical dimension of the city places refugees and their negotiation of
space into the realm of the normal and the possible, contrary to prevailing notions
of the camp as an abnormality. In this thesis, I analyze the ways in which refugees
settle down in the camp and inhabit the humanitarian space. From a physical
perspective, the camp has grown into a center of facilities in a wider region of
insecurity, war and marginalized pastoral lands in a semi-desert. Compared to the
region, the camp resembles a multicultural and cosmopolitan place, with various
connections to the wider world.
I have analyzed five domains in which social ordering takes place:
humanitarian governance, the camp as a warscape, the camp economy, third
country resettlement and repatriation. In all these domains, refugees seek to
organize themselves and their surroundings vis-à-vis the humanitarian agencies
and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
In chapter two, I describe how UNHCR de facto became the government of
the refugee camp on behalf of the Kenyan government. In this capacity it operates
in a confusion of roles; it is both implementer of aid and assistance in the general
administration of the camp, and monitor and guard of States’ obligations to
respect refugee rights. This makes that UNHCR and its implementing NGOs not
only offer, preach and teach entitlements, but are simultaneously for a large part
responsible in their delivery and for the decision of who is granted inclusion in the
camp’s services. I have recognized this in the notion of an entitlement arena,
which highlights how refugees maneuver in the grey area between UNHCR’s
camp governing and rights monitoring roles. The entitlements born out of refugee
and human rights then translate into expectations and promises that become part
of negotiations seeking to align, dodge or alter the camp’s organization. For a
large part, this negotiation takes places along the interfaces between UNHCR and
its implementing partners, and the refugees. By employing participation strategies
in the governing of the camp, UNHCR contributed to the creation of subauthorities,
which play an important role in the referral of refugees within the aid
system, but also in the identification of vulnerabilities.
In the domain of the warscape, I analyze how boundaries between refugee
leadership and rebel movements have blurred, adding and altering these subauthorities.
Apart from the camp having a function in the broader war tactics of
rebel movements in the past and in the present, the notion of the camp as a
warscape highlights how the politics of war and the dynamics of conflict reach
and partly order the camp. This warscape notion, instead of being problematic, is
analyzed from a perspective of place making, through which refugees claim
political agency and room to organize themselves vis-à-vis the refugee regime,
thereby reshaping the living arrangements of the camp and organizing where
people settle on the basis of ethnic and violent histories in the past and in the
camp. This authority transcends into everyday forms of power and governance,
largely because of an understanding of imminent and symbolic violence between
the different groups.
In a socio-economic domain, I describe how refugees build on the resource of
aid and create a diversity of livelihood strategies. Aid, more than just a handout or
a necessity, is comparable to a natural resource in the contours of the camp. For
refugees, once they are allowed inside the camp, aid is simply there. It is
something one can vie for, and can harvest, until it is depleted. I describe this as a
process of “digging aid,” comparable to subsistence farming. On the basis of this
aid, a camp economy has grown, with linkages to informal and formal regional
and international economies. The development of the camp economy has
stimulated socio-economic changes. The local community has found a resource in
the camp and “dropout pastoralists” have settled around the camp in a way that is
comparable to the ways urban migrants flock to cities. The camp represents a
cosmopolitan place where people of different backgrounds come together, meet
each other, and adapt to each other.
The fourth domain, described in chapter five, concerns the camp as a portal
for resettlement. The perspective of third country resettlement in Kakuma has
both been a reason for people to come to the camp, and a phenomenon that
greatly contributed to its development. Resettlement can thus be seen as both an
opportunity as a solution to which people seek access. With this, resettlement
became an organizing principle for people in the camp. The large volume of
resettlement from Kakuma contributes to the character of the camp as a transitory
space. Many informants came to Kakuma not so much to return “home” again,
but to move forward instead. Kakuma as a portal offers migratory routes to those
who manage to be considered eligible according to the agencies’ and receiving
countries’ qualifications. Although imagined as a measure to protect those most in
need, in reality, becoming eligible for resettlement involves a combination of
factors, including access to the agencies and a vulnerability or a fitting identity. It
is here that the warscape and the entitlement arena intertwine to become the
system of resettlement.
Chapter six shows how repatriation becomes subject to maneuvering. Over the
course of my fieldwork, peace broke out in Sudan and repatriation was initiated.
The prospect was complicated, however. In Sudan, public amenities such as
schools, health care, and water were scarce or lacking. Towns and urban centers
were still largely under Arabic influence. The result was that the humanitarian
government in the form of UNHCR and the NGOs sought to control return
movements, while refugees sought to strategize and organize return in their own
ways, and the Sudanese authorities in Sudan sought to keep the refugees in Kenya
until further notice.
The notion of the camp as an accidental city comes back in that the camp was
recognized for its facilities and weighed against the lack thereof in Sudan. New
arrivals similarly came for education, or for basic amenities and even food.
Refugees from other nationalities had concerns because of a possible closure of
Kakuma. Many of them had a rebel or military past, or feared being regarded as
rebels in their home countries, and thus saw limited opportunities to go home.
Also people from town were unsure of what would remain of Kakuma in the
event of the camp being closed.
This research contributes to earlier work in earlier stages of refugee hosting in
other camps, and covering specific subthemes. With the analogy to the city, I
bring together those subthemes in one common frame. The result can in part be
understood as a history of the specific camp of Kakuma. This nicely captures the
title of this research, for something that gains a history breaks free from the frame
of temporality, perhaps by accident. With this approach, this book is not only
relevant for social science or anthropology, but also as a historical record.
Protracted refugee camps constitute an experiment in humanitarian action, but
also in thinking about questions of governance and security in refugee hosting
contexts in developing countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Ghana, Nepal,
Thailand and other locations where the content of this book may be relevant.
Reshaping institutions : bricolage processes in smallholder forestry in the Amazon
Koning, J. de - \ 2011
Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Bas Arts, co-promotor(en): Freerk Wiersum. - [S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789085856979 - 268
tropische bossen - bolivia - amazonia - governance - bosbezit - bosbouwkundige handelingen - besluitvorming - plattelandsgemeenschappen - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - instellingen - bosbeleid - tropical forests - bolivia - amazonia - governance - forest ownership - forestry practices - decision making - rural communities - non-governmental organizations - institutions - forest policy
This thesis aims at identifying the different kinds of institutional influences on forest practices of small farmers in the Amazon region of Ecuador and Bolivia and how small farmers respond to them. It departs from the perspective that institutions affecting forest practices are subject to processes of institutional bricolage in which small farmers construct their own institutional frameworks by aggregating, altering, or articulating elements of existing disparate institutions. This research demonstrates that institutions, whether introduced by government, NGO, or already existing, are subject to processes of institutional bricolage that can be either conscious and strategic of nature or less conscious and unintentional.
|Situation Analysis of Women Water Professionals in Nepal
Udas, P.B. - \ 2008
Andra Pradesh : SaciWaters - 55
waterbeheer - water - watervoorziening - vrouwen - ingenieurs - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - nepal - geslacht (gender) - water management - water - water supply - women - engineers - non-governmental organizations - nepal - gender
Evaluatie Stabiliteitsfonds 2004 en 2005
Frerks, G.E. ; Klem, B. - \ 2007
Amsterdam/Wageningen : BartKlemResearch / Wageningen Universiteit - 92
ontwikkelingshulp - stabiliteit - ontwikkeling - ontwikkelingsbeleid - herstel - preventie - conflict - oorlog - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - ontwikkelingsprogramma's - beoordeling - ontwikkelingslanden - nederland - vrede - reconstructie - development aid - stability - development - development policy - rehabilitation - prevention - conflict - war - non-governmental organizations - development programmes - assessment - developing countries - netherlands - peace - reconstruction
|Environmental Governance in China.
Carter, N.T. ; Mol, A.P.J. - \ 2007
Abingdon, UK : Routledge - ISBN 9780415371698 - 204
milieubeleid - milieubeheer - milieubescherming - milieuwetgeving - waterbeheer - biotechnologie - energiebeleid - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - economische groei - milieuafbraak - china - governance - environmental policy - environmental management - environmental protection - environmental legislation - water management - biotechnology - energy policy - non-governmental organizations - economic growth - environmental degradation - china - governance
|Working on Peace-Building and Conflict Prevention
Schennink, B. ; Haar, G. van der - \ 2006
Amsterdam, The Netherlands : Dutch University Press - ISBN 9789036100519 - 217
conflict - oorlog - politiek - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - vluchtelingen - nederland - wereld - vrede - conflict - war - politics - non-governmental organizations - refugees - netherlands - world - peace
Principles and pragmatism, Civil-military action in Afghanistan and Liberia
Frerks, G.E. ; Klem, B. ; Laar, S. van de; Klingeren, M. van - \ 2006
Utrecht/Amsterdam : Universiteit Utrecht/Bart Klem Research - ISBN 9789073726581 - 119
oorlog - conflict - ontwikkelingshulp - technische hulpverlening - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - afghanistan - liberia - vrede - humanitaire hulp - militaire activiteiten - militaire hulp - war - conflict - development aid - technical aid - non-governmental organizations - afghanistan - liberia - peace - humanitarian aid - military activities - military aid
This study looks into civil-military relations in conflict and post-conflict countries. In recent years, the issue has invoked a heated debate, which has occasionally lacked nuance and clarity. Some guidelines have emerged, but they are hardly sufficient for adequate positioning. This study focuses on Afghanistan and Liberia and is intended to assist policymakers and practitioners in developing adequate strategies by answering the following questions: What does cooperation between peacekeeping forces and aid agencies entail in practice? What are the strengths and weaknesses of peacekeeping forces in providing civilian aid? What are the risks and opportunities involved for NGOs when cooperating with peacekeeping forces? What opinion do civil society organisations in the countries concerned have about cooperation with peacekeeping forces? The study starts out by highlighting the changing nature of contemporary conflict and the concomitant changes in the humanitarian, military and development domains. It goes on to order and define key concepts used in current debates on the topic. The subsequent description of civil-military relations in the current peace missions in Afghanistan and Liberia is based on extensive field work and forms the main empirical body of the report.
Het Europese landschap voor iedereen; maatschappelijke organisaties in actie voor de Europese Landschapsconventie
Schröder, R.R.G. ; Pedroli, B. - \ 2005
Wageningen : Alterra (Alterra-rapport 1191) - 31
landschap - landschapsbescherming - internationale verdragen - nederland - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - landscape - landscape conservation - international agreements - netherlands - non-governmental organizations
De Europese Landschapsconventie is een verdrag van de Raad van Europa (46 leden). Deze Raad heeft zeer beperkt macht en financiële middelen. Ratificatie leidt dan ook tot morele verplichtingen ten aanzien van het landschapsbeleid. Maatschappelijke organisaties kunnen daar een wezenlijke rol in spelen. Aldus is het betoog van deze brochure
|Hide or confide: the dilemma of transparency
Hofstede, G.J. ; Spaans, L. ; Schepers, H. ; Trienekens, J.H. ; Beulens, A.J.M. - \ 2004
Netherlands : Reed Business Information (Chains and networks ) - ISBN 9789059013742 - 248
gevalsanalyse - bedrijven - organisaties - consumenten - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - regering - perceptie - risico - kwaliteit - regelingen - nederland - ketenmanagement - bedrijfseconomie - productieprocessen - case studies - businesses - organizations - consumers - non-governmental organizations - government - perception - risk - quality - regulations - netherlands - supply chain management - business management - production processes
|The real world of NGOs: Discourses, diversity and development
Hilhorst, D.J.M. - \ 2003
London : Zed Books - ISBN 9781842771655 - 257
niet-gouvernementele organisaties - plattelandsontwikkeling - filippijnen - toerekenbaarheid - politiek - efficiëntie - non-governmental organizations - accountability - efficiency - politics - rural development - philippines
Women's roles in conflict prevention, conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction: Literature review and institutional analysis
Bouta, T. ; Frerks, G.E. - \ 2002
Doetinchem : Reed Elsevier Business Information BV - ISBN 9789059011830
conflict - oorlog - man-vrouwrelaties - rollen (functie) - vrouwen - organisaties - overheidsorganisaties - niet-gouvernementele organisaties - geslacht (gender) - conflict - war - gender relations - roles - women - organizations - government organizations - non-governmental organizations - gender
Records and reputations : everyday politics of a Philippine Development NGO
Hilhorst, D. - \ 2000
Agricultural University. Promotor(en): D.B.W.M. van Dusseldorp; N.E. Long. - S.l. : s.n. - ISBN 9789058083166 - 261
niet-gouvernementele organisaties - toerekenbaarheid - efficiëntie - filippijnen - politiek - plattelandsontwikkeling - non-governmental organizations - accountability - efficiency - politics - rural development - philippines - cum laude
This study looks into the working of policies, practices and accountability of NGOs. It is based on fieldwork with one development NGO in the Cordillera of the Philippines: the Cordillera Women NGO, or CWNGO (a pseudonym). Through this study I wanted to find out why certain groups of actors form organizations that they call an NGO, and how they ascribe meanings to the organization in practice. Meaning making is central to everyday practice, since it underlies the numerous small and big, pro-active and responsive decisions and actions that together make up the organization. In addition, the study focuses on matters of everyday politics. On the one hand, this entails the way ideology was important in shaping the organization. On the other, this involves the question how NGOs acquire legitimation as a development organization vis-à-vis relevant other parties, including clients, donors and constituency. This means that I look into processes by which NGO actors convince stakeholders that a situation requires development, that NGO intervention is indispensable and appropriate, and that the NGO has no self-interest in the envisaged programme.
The approach I developed for this rests on three pillars. Firstly, I use an actor orientation. Such an orientation starts with the premise that social actors have agency. They reflect upon their experiences and what happens around them and use their knowledge and capabilities to interpret and respond to development. An actor orientation recognizes the large range of constraints that impinge on social actors, but emphasizes that such constraints operate through people. To find out how NGOs work in a particular environment I followed their actors in their different domains of work, studying how NGO practices come about and acquire meaning, through formal manifestations and actions as well as more informal everyday operations.
Secondly, the study focuses on how people (not just anthropologists) grapple with the relation between processes and things. In their everyday practices people have a practical awareness of the process nature of organizations and other phenomena. Yet, they simultaneously adhere to thing notions about the same. One focus of the study was how actors accommodate these different notions, how they use them strategically, and how they respond to other people's thing notions. One such a thing is the label of NGO. By most definitions, development NGOs are intermediary organizations that bring about development for poor and marginalized people. Instead I defined the name of NGO as a label claiming the organization does good for the development of others. The question then becomes why actors take on this identity and how they find recognition as the do-good organizations implied in the label. Another class of things of particular interest is representations. Through their accounts and practices NGO actors convey images about what their organization is, does and wants. Unlike the multiple realities and nitty-gritty of everyday practices, representations provide a single understanding and closure. As John Law stated, instead of asking ourselves whether a representation corresponds to reality, we should be concerned with the workability and legitimacy of a representation. Through this study, then, I wanted to see how actors compose different representations, and the contests involved in their efforts to enrol others in accepting them.
Given my interest in issues of meanings and legitimation, discourse is important. Discourses are more or less coherent sets of references for understanding and acting upon the world around us. As was pointed out by Foucault, discourses intertwine knowledge and power. However, how discourse works, how it exactly intertwines knowledge and power is a matter for debate. This study spoke of the 'duality of discourse', following Giddens' notion of the 'duality of structure'. There are always multiple discourses and actors find room for manoeuvre to renegotiate them. The other side of the duality of discourse stipulates that discourses can indeed become powerful, although never hegemonic. The more dominant a discourse, the more it operates as a set of rules about what can and cannot be said and done and about what.
These three pillars of my approach are elaborated in chapter 1. Chapter 2 reviews how social movement discourses are constructed and what this means for the relation between leaders and followers, as well as for power struggles in the movement. This is elaborated with a case of social resistance against hydro-electric schemes in the Chico River of the Cordillera. Chapter 3 addresses the question of how, in a situation of multiple realities, a particular discourse becomes dominant. It shows the struggles of a political movement aiming to restore its grip on development NGOs, and how women's organizations endeavoured to accommodate gender issues in a dominant political discourse. The chapter ends with a discussion of the multi-dimensional working of a powerful discourse, -as coercing, convincing and seducing-, which makes understandable why social actors submit themselves to an ideological regime that confines their room for manoeuvre.
Chapter 4 enters the life world of village women. These women identify different meanings of development and cleverly play these out in dealing with the ensemble of development projects in their community. However, their appropriation of development interventions leads to unintended changes, in particular the erosion of the position of elder women. Chapter 5 elaborates the room for manoeuvre of NGOs. On the basis of a number of cases, it is concluded that villagers are much more decisive in the outcome of organizing processes than the NGOs. Chapter 6 provides a theoretical analysis of the concept of accountability and leads to the conclusion that transparency is a myth. A case study following a conflict in a weaving project for women shows that, instead of revealing what really happens in the localities, accounts are permeated by what happens in the accountability process.
Chapter 7 explores how NGO actors in their everyday practices give meaning to the organization. This question turns out to be much more complex than 'management-directing-the-organization', or 'management-versus-the-rest' perspec-tives, can account for. The chapter shows how, through the symbolic use of particular locales, social networks and cultural institutions, a certain coherence nonetheless emerges. Chapter 8 gives a social analysis of successful NGO leadership. It is organized around the life history of one NGO leader, who was followed in her dealings with international arenas and funding agencies. NGO leaders appear as brokers of meaning. They enrol stakeholders to acknowledge their position, and accept their representation of situations, organizations and themselves. Chapter 9 deals with funding agencies. An extended case study is presented of the relation between CWNGO and a UN related program, which ended because the donor claimed the NGO was not efficient and was not accountable to its target group. Underlying this outcome were complex factors including organizational competition, political differences and different interpretations of 'partnership'.
Chapter 10 is the conclusion. It outlines some implications of the study for issues of NGO everyday politics. Politics of legitimation are closely linked to accountability, which is considered a problematic issue. My analysis corroborates this. There does not seem to be a single solution or methodology to realize accountability. We shall always need to critically improvise, combine methods and make the best of them.
Those that demand accountability, in particular donors, should acknowledge different modes of accountability instead of solely relying on formal accountability procedures. Perhaps this may bring them to invest more in trust and less in disciplining through detailed accountability demands. In particular they should invest in becoming trustworthy partners of development NGOs thereby forging the moral commitment of NGOs to live up to their promises. It was also concluded that the everyday politics of legitimation that tend to corrupt accountability also contain pressures to move towards more meaningful accountability. NGOs are vulnerable to losing their good name. The easiest way to protect one's good name is by living up to one's proclaimed standards. If they don't succeed, they risk losing their appeal for funding agencies, their legitimacy as advocates, their credibility in the eyes of the media, and eventually their status as an organization that is seen to do good for the benefit of others.
It has been suggested that there is a tendency among development NGOs in the South to converge towards variations of Western dominated neo-liberal and liberal-democratic development agendas. On the basis of this study I find this notion an exaggeration. The future of development NGOs is likely to be much more diversified than observers of convergence expect. With or without the label of NGO, organising processes will continue to shape differential development outcomes. I expect that commitment to values which advance public and collective interests and that radically side with the poor will continue to be an important element of the ideological visions of many NGOs.