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Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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    Food from the Sulawesi Sea, the need for integrated sea use planning
    Siahainenia, Audrie J. - \ 2016
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): Herbert Prins; Johan Verreth, co-promotor(en): Fred de Boer. - Wageningen : Wageningen University - ISBN 9789462578869 - 180
    mangroves - mangrove forests - fishes - habitats - marine areas - marine environment - fish stocks - environmental management - ecological disturbance - disturbance - sulawesi - mangroves - mangrovebossen - vissen - habitats - mariene gebieden - marien milieu - visstand - milieubeheer - ecologische verstoring - verstoring - celebes

    Mangroves occur in the tropics and subtropics region and an important coastal habitat for the artisanal fisheries along the coast of Indonesia. Around 19% of the total mangrove area in the world is located in Indonesia. Besides providing a barrier against coastal/Delta erosion, mangrove forest plays a significant role as a nursery area for most of the marine communities. Unluckily, 57% of the ±3.2 million ha of the mangroves in Indonesia is currently in degraded, mostly because of human activities (anthropogenic disturbance). The primary sources of anthropogenic disturbances to mangroves are increasing population growth rate and demand for seafood products as an essential protein, especially the wild shrimp, in the world market. These resulted in land-use conversion along estuarine areas not only for settlements and plantations but also for aquaculture ponds. The lack of awareness and understanding of the value and function of mangrove ecosystems contributed to the loss and damage the mangroves area.

    Therefore, my research and field experiment aimed to quantify the effects of human disturbance on mangroves associated trophic cascades in Indonesia estuarine areas. The study was performed in the Berau District, East Kalimantan, Indonesia between 2005 and 2010. Data of mangrove extent from 1990 in the Berau Delta was used as base data with low human disturbance. We also interviewed the artisanal fishermen about their catches, origins, and fishing locations, in relation to the total catch per unit effort (CpUE).

    The results had shown that the total mangroves area in the Berau Delta decreased by 54% between the 1990 and 2009, which led to fragmentation and alteration in the structural complexity of mangroves. The field experiment conducted at three locations with different levels of human disturbances revealed that the species richness was decreased with increased the level of human interference and the marine community tended to be dominated by only a few species. In the highly disturbed areas, the catch of small-scale fishermen tended to be lower. Furthermore, the result from a spatial statistical model indicated that the disturbance of mangrove habitats was influenced the distribution pattern of shrimp. The total CpUE of small-scale fishery in the study area was relatively small, and the area was probably not overexploited.

    As a conclusion, mangroves habitat in the Berau Delta played a significant role in sustaining coastal fisheries. This important ecosystem supports a primary source of marine protein. Mangrove forests can only guarantee these marine resources if the people consciously maintain its viability through a strong management policy.

    Can Patrons Be Bypassed? Frictions between Local and Global Regulatory Networks over Shrimp Aquaculture in East Kalimantan
    Kusumawati, R. ; Bush, S.R. ; Visser, L.E. - \ 2013
    Society & Natural Resources 26 (2013)8. - ISSN 0894-1920 - p. 898 - 911.
    fishing communities - certification - governance - standards - sulawesi - credit - bugis
    Taking related concepts of friction and a simplified value chain analysis, this article focuses on interaction of three regulatory networks and their influence over sustainable shrimp aquaculture in East Kalimantan. The results show that while government and nongovernment organization (NGO) regulatory networks have focused on the standardization of best practices, it is artisanal trade networks, controlled by local patrons (or ponggawa), that hold most influence over production. By exploring the influence of these ponggawa over production and trade we demonstrate how patronage is key to regulating the conduct of farmers and constitutes a vital, but poorly understood element in the shrimp value chain. We conclude that while ponggawa hold a central position in these value chains they remain systematically ignored by state and NGO-market-led regulatory networks. As a result, many of the frictions inherent to local–global interconnections of shrimp aquaculture limit any externally led attempt to create change.
    Ambition, Regulation and Reality. Complex use of land and water resources in Luwu, South Sulawesi, Indonesia
    Roth, D. - \ 2003
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): F. von Benda-Beckmann. - [S.I.] : s.n. - ISBN 9789058088789 - 338
    cum laude - regulations - law - natural resources - land use - water resources - irrigation - conflict - politics - society - indonesia - sulawesi - regelingen - recht - natuurlijke hulpbronnen - landgebruik - watervoorraden - irrigatie - conflict - politiek - samenleving - indonesië - celebes
    In this book I present three case studies of the complex regulation of use of land and water resources in Luwu. Attention to the role of legalcomplexity -the existence of different sources and definitions of normative-legal regulation in the same socio-political space - is an important conceptual point of departure of this study. Each of the three case study sections contains specific conclusions pertaining to the issues involved. The last chapter of the book (chapter 11) is primarily a reflection on the wider meaning of the forms of complexity analyzed in the case studies for processes of regulation of resource use. In an epilogue I pay attention to the complex character of broader socio-political processes in Luwu District. 

    The state-led development of irrigation systems is an important factor in the economic and societal changes in Luwu since the colonial period. The basis of these rapid and radical changes was laid by the Dutch colonial government in the thirties of last century. Two spearheads of colonial development policy in the framework of the 'Ethical Policy' were emigration (from densely populated Java to the thinly populated 'OuterIslands' of the colonial empire) and irrigation. InNorth Luwu, both were combined in programmes for colonization (resettlement of Javanese farmers on islands outside Java) and development of large irrigation systems based on civil engineering approaches.

    These colonial development plans for Luwu were suddenly interrupted by the turbulent social and political developments in the region: the Japanese occupation, the return of the colonial power after Japanese capitulation, decolonization and theDarulIslam (DI/TII) rebellion from the early fifties until 1965. In that same year the Suharto regime came to power. After 'peace and order' had been restored in an extremely violent way, large financial donors like the World Bank supported the regime by allocating large sums of development funding. 'Pembangunan' (development) became a keyword in the political ideology of Suharto's 'New Order'. From the late sixties, the old colonial development agenda was revived. In Luwu, this led to an approach combining what was now called 'transmigration' (resettlement of farmer families from Java,BaliandLombok) with the large-scale development of irrigation systems and other infrastructure. These interventions have radically changed Luwu, and not only in a negative sense. Irrigated agriculture and improved infrastructure have considerably increased the standard of living and food security of the local population of Luwu as well as of migrants.

    At the same time, transmigration and regional migration have turned Luwu into an, in many respects, very complex society in which tensions and conflicts between the local population and migrants along lines of ethnic and religious affiliation regularly lead to violence. Because of the ethnic diversity it harbours, Luwu is often called a 'TamanMini' (MiniatureGarden), in analogy with the exhibition of the material culture of the 'recognized' ethnic groups in the archipelago established by the Suharto family. Luwu society is not only complex in a legal sense but also in a socio-cultural, political-administrative sense, as I will show in the three case studies. This high degree of complexity of Luwu society also plays an important role in issues concerning the use of natural resources.

    The first case study (see chapter 3) is an analysis of the regional history of migration of farmers from highlandSouth Sulawesito lowland Luwu. This massive migration in the second half of the twentieth century has had a great impact on current land tenure inNorth Luwu. The availability of land resources in Luwu was a strong pull factor for highland migrants in search of agricultural land. The massive and uncontrolled character of this migration and settlement inNorth Luwumade these processes politically very sensitive. Differences in ethnic and religious identity between migrants and local population are, moreover, a continuous source of tension and violent conflict. A deeper explanation of the political and social sensitivity of this migration can be found in the ways in which migration is related to wider processes of socio-economic, cultural and political-administrative change in the region. In my analysis of migration I pay special attention to the emergence and growing role of a specific 'Toraja' identity among the highland population. I pose the question whether there is a relationship between the emergence of new identities and identifications in the area and migration to lowland Luwu. ThisTorajaidentity is primarily a product of Dutch colonial and missionary politics. Both in colonial administration and mission thereexistedthe wish to unite the various population groups in highland South andCentral Sulawesiadministratively into 'GreaterToraja'. This administrative unit was intended to unite all Christianized highland groups into a 'buffer' against Islam, which had been established in lowlandSulawesimany centuries ago and was seen as a threat.

    Indonesian independence did not bring these political ambitions to an end. In the fifties they even played an important role in regional politics. Its most important manifestations were attempts to establish 'GreaterToraja' (called 'TorajaRaya') as an administrative unit at the level of a province, the struggle for autonomy of the southern highlands as 'TanaTorajaDistrict' from the languishing Luwu kingdom, and a lowland-oriented expansionism referred to as 'Lebensraum' by formerTorajapoliticians. In the latter, the high potential of lowland Luwu in terms of (irrigable) agricultural land played an important role. Massive migration to the Luwu Plain was not only seen as a solution to the social problems in the densely populated and socio-politically hierarchic highlands but also as part of a political strategy oriented towards Luwu. The first ideal died in the political realities in the region in the course of the fifties. The second ideal was realized by the actual establishment ofTanaTorajaDistrict in the fifties. The expansionism oriented towards lowland Luwu manifested itself in a rapidly increasing migration toNorth Luwuand exploitation of land in this area. I conclude that there was indeed a relation between the emergence ofTorajaidentity and migration strategies to gain access to land resources in lowland Luwu.

    The second case study (see chapters 4 to 6) is an analysis of the long-term effects of intervention in land rights in the framework of thePompenganIntegrated Area Development Project (PIADP). PIADP, a bilateral Indonesian-Dutch project for rural development, was propagated as a model for integrated rural development inIndonesia. The project had started in 1980 as thePompenganImplementation Project (PIP), an irrigation project that focused on construction and paid little attention to the social aspects of development. Under the influence of the problems that arose during implementation, of changing views of 'development' and of increasing attention to the social dimensions of processes of planned change PIP changed into the 'integrated' PIADP. The core of PIADP was intervention in land tenure through a programme for redistribution of land and resettlement of farmers.

    Notwithstanding this shift towards other core activities the project basically remained an irrigation project. Problems of land use, land rights and population density were primarily seen as a threat to local management of the future irrigation infrastructure, and land reform and farmer settlement as a solution to these problems. However, the new approach also meant a shift from a technical intervention to a much more radical, complex and socially sensitive socio-legal type of intervention. PIADP was characterized by new, social objectives originating from Dutch development policy, like creating an egalitarian structure of landownership and greater security of tenure. Thus, a growing awareness of the complexities in implementing PIP had led to even much more complex solutions to the problems, tied to ever more ambitious objectives. To reach these objectives, a 'project law' was created on the basis of Dutch donor norms and priorities as well as sections of the Indonesian 1960 Basic Agrarian Law. Existing claims to land in the project area (that is: local rights built up in the past but not by definition recognized and usually not titled by the government) were inventoried and weighed in a selection procedure for PIADP. The claim holders whose claims were recognized by the project, became 'beneficiaries' of PIADP, and qualified for land and other project facilities.

    The central research questions for this part of the research are: which definition of land rights has 'won', the local one based on labour invested in and boundaries created by land clearing, or the (re)definition of land rights on the basis of PIADP project law? What was the impact of the land reform programme on land use and land rights? How do various actors cope with the situation of legal complexity? How are conflicts solved and by whom? What is the role of legal institutions? Chapter 4 contains a description of the local context of PIP and PIADP and an analysis of the emergence of new developmental ambitions and objectives for PIADP. In chapter 5 I present an analysis of the implementation of the programme of land redistribution and settlement in PIADP, mainly based on my own experiences as an adviser of the land reform and settlement programme. In chapter 6 I analyze the long-term effects of this programme on security of tenure in the former project area. The analysis shows, among others, that claimants and former 'beneficiaries' of the programme have massively returned to the pre-project claim boundaries. The definition of land rights based on pre-project claims to land prove to be much stronger and to give more security of tenure than land rights defined and recognized by the government in the framework of PIADP. Further, the analysis makes clear that the government has completely withdrawn from the problems of former PIADP. Formal state-issues land titles have no value for those who hold them. Hence, coping with the continuing tensions and conflicts caused by PIADP requires a high degree of self-regulating capacity of the actors involved in the local conflicts in various ways.

    The third case study is an analysis of the role of land and water resources inKertoraharjo,avillageofBalinesetransmigrantsin theKalaenaarea inNorth Luwu(see chapters 7 to 10). Chapter 7 describes the history of settlement in the area and development of a relatively prosperous migrant society. Specifically Balinese arrangements in the fields of religion and village administration, social security and local irrigation management exist side by side with the blueprints of government administration. The diversity of areas of origin of the Balinesetransmigrantsand the different traditional norms and values (Ind.adat) introduced by these groups made the process of unification a difficult one. Chapter 8 focuses on the role of land inKertoraharjo. I analyze the differences in access to land for three status categoriesof migrants: the initialtransmigrants, their offspring and spontaneous migrants. In addition, I analyze the growing importance of cocoa cultivation next to (and sometimes instead of) irrigated agriculture since the late eighties. In an analysis of the historical development of landownership I show how Balinese landownership has spread fromKertoraharjoacross an increasingly large area stretching out across the provincial border. The growing interest in cocoa cultivation has crucially contributed to this trend. Expansion of Balinese control over land took place wholly outside the sphere of state regulation of land tenure and recognition through titling. Finally, I pay attention to the role of some forms of access to irrigated land that play an important role in strategies of economic advancement of, especially, the offspring of initialtransmigrantsand spontaneous migrants: sharecropping and pawning of land.

    Together, chapters 9 and 10 form an analysis of local irrigation management in the tertiary units of theKalaenairrigation system in which Balinese farmers own land. The technical and organizational uniformity of state-built irrigation systems in Luwu hides a high degree of ethnic and cultural diversity of the various migrant groups. What does this field of tension between standardized arrangements for local management and local diversity mean in the case of Balinese inKalaenasystem? The Balinesetransmigrantsbrought their own traditions, knowledge and practices of local irrigation management associated with the so-calledsubak, an age-old Balinese institution for irrigated rice agriculture in the broadest sense of the term (that is:subakdoes not only refer to operational and maintenance tasks but includes irrigation technical and managerial, agronomic and religious-ritual dimensions of rice agriculture). This part of the research focused on the history of local irrigation management among Balinese in the tension field formed by technology, norms and rules, and organizational arrangements based on engineering conceptions of irrigation management in the tertiary units on the one hand, and on thesubaktradition on the other. The most important research questions were: what is the role ofsubakand water users' associations in tertiary irrigation management among Balinese farmers? How are both related in the dimensions of technology, normative regulation and organizational arrangements? To what degree and in what way haveboth changed, influenced or merged in new 'hybrid' forms of local irrigation management? What is the influence of different definitions and conceptualizations of 'irrigation management' in both approaches?

    This part of the research shows that, deeply influencing each other,subakand the complex of water users' association and tertiary unit have developed in a location-specific manner. As a formal organization,subakhas become relatively marginal under the influence of the statutory introduction of the water users' associations related to the tertiary structure of the irrigation system. However, as an institution (that is: as regularized patterns of behaviour)subakcontinues to play a crucial role. Technical, normative and organizational elements ofsubakhave emerged in the world of local irrigation management formally defined by tertiary units and water users' associations. Thus, bothsubakand WUA have become 'hybrid worlds'.

    The last chapter (chapter 11) concludes the book with a reflection on the complex society that Luwu has become and its meaning for issues of resource management. The existence of a high degree of social, legal, ethno-religious and political-administrative complexity and its impact on forms of regulation, as clearly present and visible in the three case studies of this book, make approaches to regulation of natural resource use based on instrumental views of law coupled to mechanistic views of processes of development quiteprospectless. In an epilogue I finally point to the broader socio-political dimensions of Luwu District itself as a complex society in times of rapid and radical socio-political change.
    Factors influencing smallholder cocoa production : a management analysis of behavioural decision-making processes of technology adoption and application
    Taher, S. - \ 1996
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): J.A. Renkema; L.O. Fresco; P.J.P. Zuurbier. - S.l. : Taher - ISBN 9789054855309 - 159
    theobroma cacao - cacao - kleine landbouwbedrijven - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - innovaties - besluitvorming - bedrijfsvoering - operationeel onderzoek - simulatie - werkschema - lineair programmeren - celebes - theobroma cacao - cocoa - small farms - farm management - innovations - decision making - management - operations research - simulation - work flow - linear programming - sulawesi

    The objectives of the study were to expand present knowledge on the technology adoption and application rates for production inputs and fermentation processing related to farmers' decision- making, and to formulate an optimal technology application policy, particularly for smallholder cocoa farmers. To achieve these objectives it is necessary to understand factors that are associated with farmers' decision-making in adopting and applying these technologies and problems related to them. Given the two objectives, the study develops and tests (1) a model that assesses factors which explain cocoa farmers' technology adoption and application, and (2) a model that presents the optimization of cocoa fanners' activities both at the cocoa farmer and regional level.

    This research was carried out in South-Sulawesi, Indonesia. This choice was motivated by the fact that (1) on the whole, cocoa in this region is grown by smallholder farms; South-Sulawesi is the region which makes most significant contribution to national cocoa production; (2) this region is the main cocoa producer in the area providing about 32 percent of the national cocoa production; and (3) this region was one of the earliest cocoa regions to be developed. At the sub-region level two villages, Noling and Buntu Batu , with similar enviromnental conditions, in the regency of Luwu , were chosen to represent the villages that had adopted cocoa technology to a greater and respectively to a lesser degree. The two villages were the first to develop cocoa in the region and housed multiethnic inhabitants who were the pioneers of cocoa development in the region.

    This study has been carried out on the basis of inductive methodology. This case study explores the diversity and the heterogeneity of farmers' behaviour under specific socioeconomical conditions. The number of farmers chosen as respondents in the study in the two villages was 100, 50 for each village. The model was developed on the basis of two approaches, namely a positive approach in which empirical analysis uses production function methods, and a normative approach in which linear programming models are used as a tool of analysis.

    The models concentrate on the specific issue of cocoa smallholder farmers and their problems in adopting and applying certain available technology which focuses the investigation on certain elements in the model. The issues considered are all aspects related to farm and farmer characteristics, conditions and problems that constrain the cocoa farmers in achieving their objectives. The first element of the model developed is the objectives' function which is specified in terms of technology adoption and application by cocoa farmers. The second element of the model is data that relate to factors that may explain the variation in the use of technologies. The third element of the model is the set of independent variables that are treated as given variables within the cocoa farmer's operations. It is assumed that farmers' behavioural decision-making is determined by the farmers' strategies as controllable factors. The farmers' strategies embody the farmer and farming factors. The technology adoption model of study includes six specific factors, which are grouped into four main groups: farmer community, farmer's characteristics, farmer's household and farm characteristics as independent variables. The technology application model includes all production inputs used, land, labour and chemical production inputs as independent variables. The latest element of
    the model is the dependent variable. Four technology adoption variables, which are fertilizer, pesticide, herbicide and fermentation adoption are included as dependent variables in the model of technology adoption of the study, and farm gross output is included as dependent variable in the model of technology application.

    The results of the analyses showed that the main factors explaining technology adoption and application are the origin of farmers, the number of neighbours known intimately, the number of family workforce members, years in education, annual crop area exploited and farm gross output. These factors affect different technology adoption and application at different levels:

    Origin of farmer. This affects fertilizer and herbicide application negatively and has insignificant correlation with technology application. The migrant farmers who mostly housed in the first village are significantly lesser adopted fertilizer and herbicide. This occurs since most of cocoa area exploited by farmers from the first village is located at a more distant site from the village, on the upland areas, which are although usually less fertile than the plots located close to the village; however, the lack of infrastructure in this region contributes to the limited adoption on fertilizer. The indigenous farmers who mostly have a larger area than the migrant farmers have adopted herbicide more than the migrant farmers, in their effort to minimize the use of labour for weed control.

    The number of neighbours known intimately. This affects fertilizer adoption negatively and fermentation adoption positively. Fertilizer is more adopted by the farmer families with smaller number of acquaintances, which are usually those who came later in the region and have smaller farms. This is different with fermentation adoption. Fermentation has been more adopted by farmers with more neighbours than by farmers with smaller social networks. The farmers who usually have wider relationship with other farmers have better access to the source of information about market development, including the cocoa price development over time. Farmers with information about the market have a better chance to obtain a higher price for their fermented cocoa. The price factor is the main determinant in the farmer decision to ferment their cocoa. The number of neighbour family knowing intimately has also a significant correlation with technical efficiency of cocoa production. Farmers with better access to the source of technical information have more knowledge of technology application.

    Years in education. This influences pesticide adoption and technical efficiency positively. Literate farmers are more likely to adopt pesticide than illiterate farmers. Farmers with higher education levels are generally the younger fanners who started their cocoa farming business recently, who usually exploit distant plots, that usually have lower levels of soil fertility and have a smaller farming area. To increase production they have to adopt pesticide.

    Number of family workforce members. This influences fertilizer and pesticide adoption negatively and has a significant correlation with technology application. Farmers with a lower number of family workers have adopted more fertilizer and pesticide than those with a larger number of family workers. The former are the farmers who exploit a smaller number of cocoa hectares and/or younger farmers who usually attempt to exploit their plot intensively by using fertilizer and pesticide in order to increase cocoa production on their limited farm area. The result also imply a negative relationship between the number of family and technology adoptions in the case of fertilizer and pesticide adoption, and a positive relationship between years in education and pesticide application; however, no relationship could be found between the age of farmers and technology adoption, and relationships between the distance of plots from the village and technology adoptions. Once technology is adopted, the level of technology application which is represented by technical efficiency has significant correlation with the number of family workforce members.

    Annual crop area exploited. This factor does not affect technology adoption. Annual crop area exploited influences technology application positively; farmers who successfully expand their farms with wet paddy areas use more production inputs and apply more fermentation than the farmers without paddy crop plots. This is understandable since in general wet paddy area in the region has been exploited intensively by regularly applying production inputs in high doses, an unavoidable practice if the food requirements of the farmer's family are to be met. The farmers who also exploit the annual crop area have more ability in operating their farm than the farmers without paddy plots. The farmers who have fulfilled their basic family food requirements from their own farm have a better opportunity for spending their budget for purchasing production inputs.

    Farm gross output. Farm gross output has a positive relationship with pesticide adoption and technology application. The larger farmers tend to adopt more pesticide than the smaller farmers. Farm gross output in a previous year has also a positive and significant correlation with the technical efficiency of cocoa production. The higher the gross output of the previous year, the higher the ability to purchase production inputs and apply fermentation.

    The second, normative model used in the study is a linear programming model that focuses on the farm level activities based on different kinds of technologies. The farm condition is assumed to be stable, risk and time dimensions are not included in the model. Three main situations of farm activities are differentiated based on the contribution of the source of farmer income. Cocoa is cultivated as a single crop, cocoa and other perennial crops are cultivated as mixcrops on the same plots, cocoa plots are combined with annual plots, and cocoa and other crops are supplemented by off-farm activities. The main objective of farm households is to achieve an optimal farm gross margin that can be realized through the optimization of the gross margin of several crops described and off- farm activities. The technology used is divided into pre-harvest and post-harvest technology. Three levels of preharvest technology are used as the basis of analysis, extensive with no application of external inputs, intensive with a high level of inputs and semi-intensive with an intermediate level of inputs. Two levels of post-harvest technology are used, non-application and application of fermentation, which imply the direct and indirect sale of unfermented and fermented cocoa. A part of the family workforce works as a salaried workforce at other farms during the cocoa harvest and at other peak season periods; i.e. off-farm activity. Farms are subject to various constraints: the farm size exploited, the suitability of land used for different crops, the available family workforce and the seasonal peak requirement of labour for each activity.

    The result of the optimization analysis shows that the best optimal farm solution is achieved in the farm situation with the most diversified activities. This is the case in the farm situation with mixed cropping of cocoa, wet paddy plots and off-farm activities. In this situation the farm gross margin obtained for each level of farm size is always higher than other types of farm systems. This achievement is possible since the optimal farm plan is generated by (1) making optimal use of the land available by application of crops' technology, both by a best single technology and the most appropriate combination of various technologies, (2) an optimal implementation of cocoa-processing technology through fermentation application, (3) an optimal employment of family workforce for both on-farm and off-farm activities. The best optimal gross margin obtained for a sole cocoa plantation is achieved on a farm size of 3 hectares with intensive cocoa treatment. For cocoa intercropping, the best result is obtained by intensive cocoa combined with hiring labour from outside farms.

    The conclusions of the study are that in the last two decades the development of the farming system in the region, dominated by cocoa, has changed profoundly. This is due to the land suitability and the dynamic behaviour of indigenous and migrant farmers in adopting and making use of the technology and resources available. Farmers' decisions in adopting cocoa technology are determined by the origin of farmers, the number of neighbours known intimately, the level of education, the number of family workforce and farm gross output factors, while for application technology they were determined by the number of neighbours known intimately, education level, the number of family labour, annual crop area exploited and farm gross output factors. Fertilizer adoption is explained by the origin of farmers, the number of neighbours known intimately and the number of family labour. Pesticide adoption is explained by education level, the number of family labour and farm gross output factors. Herbicide adoption is affected by the factor's origin of farmer. Fermentation adoption is affected by the number of family labour. Technology application is affected by the number of neighbours known intimately, education, the number of family labour, annual crop area exploited and farm gross output factors. The optimization analysis confirms that there is a room to optimize the existing cocoa farmers' practice of the region. Under various constraints of land, labour and crop production treatment, the optimal level of the farm margin may possibly be achieved by making optimal use of the land, introducing a more appropriate application of technology and employing family labour optimally, in both on-farm and off-farm activities.

    Factors that are associated with farmers' decision making in adopting technology, have clarified our insight into farmers' appreciation of cocoa technology adoption. Farmers adopting technology when cultivating cocoa as a perennial crop are looking towards the long term objective and the long term investment, which is the average projected returns over a number of years will be the most significant farmer objective. However, many other aspects still contribute to cocoa development. Firstly , a comprehensive study of appropriate farming system models under the conditions of the region including the ecological evidence for promoting cocoa and perennial crops as a sustainable alternative. Secondly , the positive implications of technological adoption and application both at farmers and regional level need to be clarified to determine the optimal benefits. Thirdly , a study of integrated cocoa development that taking into account all agribusiness aspects is advisable. This study could identify the strong and weak points of the cocoa smallholder's bargaining position.

    Aneka ragam pengaturan sekuritas sosial : di bekas kerajaan berru Sulawesi Selatan, Indonesia = Pluriformiteit en sociale zekerheidsarrangementen : in het voormalige vorstendom Berru in Zuid Sulawesi, Indonesie
    Tang, M. - \ 1996
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): F. von Benda-Beckmann; T.O. Ihromi. - S.l. : Tang - ISBN 9789054855941 - 190
    sociale wetgeving - sociaal beleid - sociale verzekering - sociale zekerheid - plattelandsgemeenschappen - celebes - social legislation - social policy - social insurance - social security - rural communities - sulawesi

    This study is aimed at providing an analytical description of the forms of social security and legal pluralism in villages of South Sulawesi. In the villages in South Sulawesi there is a plurality of mechanisms and institutions where an individual is entitled to or has the duty to provide social security. Those mechanisms and institutions are structured by the normative system based on adat, religious law and all kinds of governmental regulations. The themes of social security and legal pluralism drew my attention becouse none of the research cerried out focused on these problematics. In this review, the social relationship in which people are entitled to social security or have the duty to provide social security, will be closer examined. Using a legal anthropological approach, the examination of the norms, rules, laws, adat or whatever the people call it, that are supposed to regulate the above mentioned social relationship will be investigated. Research in Dutch libraries in the period September 1988 till June 1989 was helpful to formulate and adapt my research plan. Empirical data were collected during my fieldwork from September till August 1990. 1 also had the opportunity to visit the field of research several times during 1995, in order to check recent developments, after I had left it for a couple of years. As for the method of approach, I can report that the method I used during my fieldwork is that of observation and participation. This research was carried out as part of the Programme of Indonesian Studies,

    I conducted my fieldwork in Madello, a village that has existed for a long time in the area of the former kingdom of Berru. Madello is the border area between the kingdom of Berru and Soppeng Riaja. The area of this village consists of hills and lowland. The hills are partly covered with woods while the other part is covered with ladangs (dry ricefields). All the lowlands have been made into paddy fields, fish ponds and housing areas which are situated along the beach.

    In daily life inhabitant of Madello behave according to a fixed pattern of behaviour when they find themselves in situations where they are entitled to aid and care (social security) or where they have the duty to provide aid and care as individuals and/or groupwise. Chapter I contains an explanation of the concept of that social security, the approach and the method used in this study. The next chapter is a general description of the Buginese society in the villages of South Sulawesi. The subjects of discussion that form the core of this book are three chapters: an analytical description of the aid in the production process (Chapter III); the co-operation in carrying out ceremonies/celebration during one's life cycles (Chapter IV); and aid or care for specific social categories: the aged, widows and widowers, the sick and the poor in general (Chapter V). The last chapter contains the conclusion which comprises a general summary.

    In the past only the nobility and their assistants gave the orders in the area of Berru and they owned almost all good rice-fields. Under those circumstances there was nothing else left for the people of the remaining class but to become sharecroppers and to get access to small pieces of land to till or to own by having a good relationship with the king or the other noblemen that were in power or by having good relationships with the person who was replacing the king and who was the head of the village or patron to the people. At present being a wealthy man does not depend on the social class. This means that many people who belong to the class of the commoners and even to the class of descendants of slaves, are wealthy and have followers, while on the other hand many descendants of the nobility have only restricted means of income and no followers.

    In the period when I was doing my fieldwork in Madello, society was still divided into the class of nobility, good people (Tau Deceng) and the group of common people (Tau Maradeka). There were also former slaves (Ata) or their descendants, who considered themselves free and equal to the people who belonged to the Tau Maradeka. Nevertheless, the nobility and the wealthy people were still the ones who advised and directed the former slaves and their descendants.

    The nobility existed of families who were closely related, while the other class existed of groups of families. In their social relationships the people of Madello specify between close relatives, distant relatives and other people. In addition, people who are no kin may be regarded as family or very close friends. Apart from this, there are the relations between neighbours, between the villagers and patron-clients.

    The people of the kingdom of Berru officially follow the teachings of Islam since the beginning of the 17th century (1606), but even at the beginning of the 20th century the syari'ah (Islamic law) is still dominated by adat (Brautigham 1913). At the present moment the people of Madello are in general followers of the Islam. Nevertheless, next to the syaria'h, daily life is greatly influenced by adat, which may be observed in the carrying out of the ceremonies/celebrations of people's life cycle, and also in the way people are carrying out their alms-tax (zakat fitrah).

    In the production process, the farmer needs all sorts of help. During the phase of preparing the soil for planting, they need help to do the plowing and harrowing, also at the time of planting and harvesting. In former days this work force came from family members, between the villagers, or from neighbours. Nowadays, because of improved ways of transportation, people may rely on help from members of the family staying outside the kampung or even in another area.

    Ever since people are planting Paritas Baru (new varieties), money is needed to hire a tractor in order not to waste time. For the planting, people still have to rely on the help of family and neighbours, who either help on voluntary basis or take turns in helping. Both these kinds of aid are based on reciprocity. Voluntary help is based on postponed reciprocity: the farmer who gets help from a fisherman or a jobless neighbour has the duty to pay them back in kind when the harvest is done. The people who give help while taking turns, are entitled to be paid back at the moment of planting.

    The rich fanners who nowadays pay their wage-labours for doing the planting, on the one hand feel that they are under no obligation to give extra wage to people who did not help them, but they are still bound to the moral duty to give charity on voluntary basis because of humanitarian reasons (cenning ati), because of obligations to their family (pabbere), or on religious grounds ( zakat,sedekah).

    Agriculture in Madello still depends on rain fall (sawah tadah hujan) and people plant only once a year. Since the introduction of PB it may be said that there is no shortage of food throughout the year. Even so, when it is time to prepare the fields for planting, there is still the difficulty of having no funds to pay for a tractor, to pay for the costs of planting, to buy fertilizer, to buy insecticides etc. In former days a lack of funds like this might be covered with the help of members of the family or a patron, whose help was either a gift or a loan without the obligation of paying interest. At present, fanners may not rely on either of these sources of help anymore. That is why they have to go to local money lenders who offer them a loan against a high rate of interests. It even may be that the local money lender is a member of their own family or the owner of the land they are working. Ideally speaking, the Koperasi Unit Desa (Village Cooperative) should play the role of wholesale buyer, but it became clear that only the rich farmers and local money lenders were able to benefit from KUD, because they were the ones who were able to pay cash for the goods offered by KUD.

    In the frame of carrying out ceremonies/celebrations in the life cycle of people, the co- operation between members of a family, neighbours and the villagers is still playing an important role at the present time. All kinds of help that may be expected by the people who carry out the ceremony/celebration may be received through the mechanism of "helping each other at the occasion of the ceremony/celebration" (siturungi). Help may be received in the form of work force, food or money. Food and also money received from close relatives is considered "a voluntary gift" (pabbere), while help or support from distant relatives and other people is considered "support that is a debt" (passolo) which has to be reciprocated at the first opportunity. Different from pabbere, passolo can only be expected on the basis of reciprocity. However, it is not necessary to return the help in the same form. So, diligent people who give help in the form of labour, may be rewarded by some extra wage at harvesting time but also by something entirely different. Next to the principle of reciprocity which is based on adat, there is also the principle or duty of religion: " to be present when invited ".

    In the set of social relationships providing care for the aged, widows and the sick, close relatives still play an important role. Nevertheless, in some cases a gap has appeared between the expectations of parents of old age and the care that is given to them by their children/children-in- law. I believe that it is therefore necessary that an alternative institutional arrangement should be created, either by the government or by a religious organisation in the frame of taking over from members of family who are inclined to forsake their duty towards their parents. Ever since the 1980s, government already started different projects of social help for a specific category of people: the aged, widows, orphans and so on, although it is necessary that the quality as well as the quantity of those projects should be raised in standard. Sufficient aid in the form of social services and care for the sick is already available.

    For the organisation of several activities in the frame of social welfare, government has issued regulation or the duties of society in a "Proclamation on Social Welfare", in order to tackle the problems in co-operation with the government. It is neccesary however, to stress the social and religious duties of persons and their role as members of that family. If need be, with clear sanctions regarding their indifference towards those duties. It is also necessary that religious teachers stress those duties in their sermons or through religious discussions.

    Apart from the already mentioned mechanisms and institutions, the role of religious institutions should be mentioned (zakat) in the frame of helping the aged, the widows and orphans and other social categories. Theoretically, the zakat is a source of help of great potential value. In practice, the (zakat fitrah). is in general really making people give a zakat to the social category that is entitled to it on religious grounds. Even so, redistribution of the zakat to the poor and destitute is done without taking notice of the fact that there are gradations in people's welfare. The help people are usually receiving is support in the form of food (rice) in very restricted quantities.

    The case of South Sulawesi shows that the government's concern regarding the management of the zakat that has been gathered by the mosque officials or directly deducted from the salary of government officials, does not result in a negative influence on the duty to give the zakat in order to fulfill one's social and religious duty. So, goverment's efforts to stress people's religious duties is positive and it is to be hoped that it will provide another source of help for the poor and distressed. But up to now, there are only two or three religious teachers who have received the redistribution from the Badan Amal, Zakat, Infaq and Sadakah (BAZIS). However those who have received it, are satisfied. One among them confessed that he has already received the sum of Rp. 305,000 (which is about the same as thousand litres of rice). For how long they will be receiving it, is not known. Actually speaking, it is much better when the government is also managing the zakat mal, because this is the religious duty that is insuffiently adhered to by the majority of people in the Islamic world. The zakat mal has a far greater potential when compared to the (zakat fitrah).

    The insect pest complex and related problems of lowland rice cultivation in South Sulawesi, Indonesia
    Halteren, P. van - \ 1979
    Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): J. de Wilde. - Wageningen : Veenman - 112
    indonesië - oryza sativa - plantenziekten - afwijkingen, planten - plantenziektekunde - plantenplagen - gewasbescherming - rijst - celebes - indonesia - oryza sativa - plant diseases - plant disorders - plant pathology - plant pests - plant protection - rice - sulawesi
    CHAPTER 1.

    The Department of Entomology of the Research Institute for Agriculture at Maros is concerned with insect pests of food crops, and serves the needs of farmers, most of them living near subsistance level, and of extension workers.

    South Sulawesi, formerly known as South Celebes, is a major rice-growing province and one of the two provinces of Indonesia that produces a rice surplus. The area planted with rice is about 550,000 hectares, which is more than half of the total arable land. A sketch of the agriculture of South Sulawesi is given.

    A justification of the activities is presented by the results that have been obtained while striving for a more up-to-date and varied research programme in order to achieve a better control of rice insects at farmers' level.

    CHAPTER 2.

    The major and minor insects pests of rice and the rice tungro virus are presented and the nature of damage described.

    The white stem borer, Tryporyza innotata is the most important pest. The rice seedbug, Leptocorisa oratorius, and the rice leaf folder, Cnaphalocrosis medinalis, come next. Insects of minor significance include the whorl maggot Hydrellia phillippina, the caseworm Nymphula stagnalis, armyworms Spodoptera spp., the green leafhopper Nephotettix virescens, the white-backed planthopper Sogatella furcifera, the pink stem borer Sesamia inferens, the striped stem borer Chilo suppressalis, the brown planthopper Nilaparvata lugens, the green stinkbug Nezara viridula and grasshoppers.

    The brown planthopper is likely to become a major pest in South Sulawesi and it is quite possible that there will be other shifts in the future as well.

    CHAPTER 3.

    Evaluation systems for infestations in insecticide trials, in phenological studies and in varietal screening tests are described for the whorl maggot, caseworm, stem borers, brown planthopper, green leafhopper, leaf folder and seedbug. These systems include rating scales, assessments and direct and indirect counting methods.

    CHAPTER 4.

    Experiments to establish the crop losses inflicted by each individual insect species on its specific plant stages were conducted both in the field and in greenhouses.

    It was found that roughly 5 to 10 per cent of the crop is lost by the combined effects of normal, light infestations of Hydrellia, Cnaphalocrosis, Nymphula and grasshoppers up to four weeks after transplanting.

    Yield losses of 10 to 20 per cent caused by stem borers is the rule rather than the exception. There was a poor correlation between dead heart counts and yield loss, but every unit per cent white head consistently caused about one per cent loss in yield.

    Cnaphalocrosis medinalis infestations of the later vegetative and generative stages may often inflict losses of 5 to 10 per cent.

    Another 5 to 10 per cent is frequently caused by Leptocorisa oratorius, sucking on the ripening grains. Boiling mature grains in a KOH solution provides an easy and reliable method to assess the percentage of infested grains. This percentage of infested grains proved to be silimar to the yield loss inflicted.

    Defoliation experiments, designed to simulate the damage caused by leaffeeding insects, showed that rice does not fully recover after serious defoliations even in very early growing stages. The effect of defoliation is most severe between 7 and 9 weeks after transplanting. Towards maturity of the grains defoliation becomes progressively less damaging.

    Every one per cent increase in tungro infection reduces yield by a half or one per cent depending upon the rice variety and the time of infection.

    It is concluded that insects alone reduce the potential yield of rice varieties such as Pelita, C4-63, IR5, IR20, IR26, SPR and B462c by 1 to 3 tons per hectare or 30 to 40 per cent in South Sulawesi.

    CHAPTER 5.

    Population densities of most of the pest insects and the rice tungro virus incidence were monitored by rating scales and direct counts from the end of 1974 onwards. A light trap was used to monitor fluctuations of T. innotata, Ch. suppressalis, Noctuidae, Cn. medinalis, N. virescens and N. nigropictus.

    Of course, not many conclusions can be drawn from graphs that represent the data of less than two and a half years. They form, however, a basis for further work.

    CHAPTER 6.

    A great number of insecticide experiments were conducted with insecticides that became available in the late sixties and seventies. Up to about 1973 most of the attention was focussed on conventional applications, later other modes of applications were very successfully investigated.

    Insecticides proved to be effective in controlling the pest insects and tungro virus. Carbofuran is an excellent insecticide but chlordimeform, mephosfolan, cartap, diazinon, BPMC, monocrotophos and others are also good.

    Granular broadcast applications are superior to spraying. By far the best method is the root-zone application of systemic insecticides. The insecticide is applied between the roots and taken up by the plant. The Maros Research Institute developed and concentrated on the mud ball technique.

    If a lump, plucked from a big moist mud ball containing insecticide, is applied soon after transplanting, it often gives protection up to harvest time. The quantity of insecticide required is quite low, there is no equipment needed, it cannot be washed away, one application suffices and the secondary effects are probably negligible. The root-zone application almost invariably gives the highest yields and in many cases doubles even the best spray or granular application. It requires more labour, which is advantageous macro-economically, but is of course disliked by the farmer.

    It is envisaged that with the growing concern for the environment and ecosystems and the increasing prices of insecticides, there is a future for this rootzone application technique, in spite of its prophylactic nature. Several methods, such as mud balls and liquid applicator, and time and density of application are discussed.

    The total insecticide consumption in South Sulawesi is low, less than one litre per hectare per season. There is a discrepancy between what is available, what should be used and the actual demand. The situation is slowly changing for the better.

    CHAPTER 7.

    The incorporation of insect-resistant genes into high-yielding rice varieties has only recently been given much attention. Because of a coincidence, the search for varietal resistance has been most rewarding for Maros in the case of the leafhopper-transmitted tungro virus. Many thousand varieties and lines have been evaluated and the information has been incorporated into breeding material and varieties of the International Rice Research Institute and other institutions.

    From the screening for varietal resistance against the brown planthopper, Nilaparvata lugens, at least two local Sulawesi varieties were found promising for breeding activities. Biotype 1 is the predominant planthopper in South Sulawesi.

    The impact of the release of tungro-resistant varieties in South Sulawesi and brown planthopper resistant varieties elsewhere in Indonesia, has been enormous. In the latter case only temporary, due to the development of new biotypes. Voluntary restraints are suggested with the introduction of resistant material to places where that particular pest is not (yet) a problem, such as the brown planthopper in South Sulawesi.


    A detailed account is given of the recent tungro outbreak transmitted by the green leafhopper, Nephotettix virescens, in South Sulawesi with special reference to some ecological and phenological aspects.

    Discouraging the growing of Pelita and increasing the growing of resistant varieties, especially C4-63, IR20 and some local varieties have been the main reason for the decrease in tungro incidence.

    Insecticide sprays and broadcast applications are fairly effective in controlling the virus. The root-zone application of carbofuran, BPMC, cartap and mephosfolan proved to be extremely effective. When these insecticides are applied to the root- zone, the green leafhopper is killed before it can transmit sufficient tungro inoculum.

    Rice plants are infected by tungro in the field after transplanting and not in the seedbed. Also, direct-seeded rice is less infected than transplanted rice.

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