Staff Publications

Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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    Het voorzorgsbeginsel. Preadvies voor de Nederlandse Vereniging voor Levensmiddelenrecht
    Defares, K.J. ; Meulen, B.M.J. van der - \ 2009
    Den Haag : Sdu uitgevers - ISBN 9789012383066 - 59
    voedingsmiddelenwetgeving - voedselveiligheid - eu regelingen - nederland - europese unie - food legislation - food safety - eu regulations - netherlands - european union
    In het eerste decennium van het huidige millennium is het levensmiddelenrecht, naar aanleiding van de voedselveiligheidscrises aan een grote hercodificatie onderworpen. Daaraan zijn bij Verordening (EG) 178/2002 beginselen ten grondslag gelegd. Het beginsel van risicoanalyse eist een wetenschappelijke onderbouwing van ingrepen in de markt. Het voorzorgsbeginsel nuanceert dit vereiste voor situaties waarin de wetenschappelijke risicobeoordeling onvoldoende concludent is. Een begin van wetenschappelijk bewijs kan worden ingeroepen als rechtvaardiging voor overheidsoptreden. Dit preadvies voor het eerste lustrum van de Nederlandse Vereniging voor Levensmiddelenrecht analyseert de ontwikkeling van het voorzorgsbeginsel in de rechtspraak, de inhoud van het voorzorgsbeginsel in de Algemene levenmiddelenverordening en de betekenis ervan voor de praktijk van het levensmiddelenrecht in Nederland en de Europese Unie.
    Een begin van wetenschappelijk bewijs. Het voorzorgsbeginsel in het levensmiddelenrecht
    Defares, K.J. ; Meulen, B.M.J. van der - \ 2009
    Sociaal-economische wetgeving : tijdschrift voor Europees en economisch recht / Nederlandse Vereniging voor Europees Recht 57 (2009)12. - ISSN 0165-098X - p. 462 - 482.
    Werkverhoudingen en stress op het boerenbedrijf = Stress and work issues among farm couples
    Giesen, C.W.M. - \ 1991
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): P.B. Defares, co-promotor(en): J.A.M. Winnubst. - S.l. : Giesen - ISBN 9789051700817 - 199
    psychologie - stress - familiebedrijven, landbouw - agrarische samenleving - psychology - stress - family farms - agricultural society
    This book is a study of several issues of the working relationship between the farmer and the farmers' wife on Dutch dairy farms, related to their subjective well-being
    Social support en riskant gezondheidsgedrag.
    Defares, P.B. ; Soomer, K.L.P. de - \ 1988
    In: Toegepaste sociale psychologie 3, J. van Grumbkow, D. van Kreveld en R. van der Vlist (red.). Swets en Zeitlinger, Lisse - p. 1 - 17.
    The effects of negative life events and emotional eating on change in body mass.
    Defares, P.B. ; Strien, T. van; Frijters, J.E.R. - \ 1987
    In: Progress in psychotherapy research / Huber, W., - p. 231 - 246.
    De waarneming en waardering van landschappen
    Coeterier, J.F. - \ 1987
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): P.B. Defares, co-promotor(en): M.J. Vroom. - S.l. : Coeterier - 204
    milieu - ideologie - landschap - perceptie - taxatie - environment - ideology - landscape - perception - valuation
    The Landscape
    'Landscape' is defined in many ways. However, all definitions have in common: (a) the interaction between organisms, including man, and inorganic nature; this is landscape as a process; (b) the unity of the landscape and the coherence of its parts; this is landscape as structure*; and often: (c) the influence of social and cultural processes in the formation of the landscape, the social determinism of the landscape. A landscape is conceived of as a system, characterized by the interaction of natural and cultural forces, possessing a definite organization. Depending on one's background and interest, a certain aspect is accentuated in the study of landscapes. Landscape architects mainly concentrate on structural aspects. Perception psychologists too are preoccupied with pattern variables, stemming from Gestalt psychology. Lay people are primarily interested in the social aspects of a landscape, especially in the Netherlands, where every landscape is man-made. For them, human action is the main force in landscape formation.

    In psychology, and in philosophy, perception is regarded as a cognitive activity. It comprises three levels or processes: physiological processes, sensation, and perception. No one-to-one-relation exists between these three processes.
    Polanyi (1969): No observation of physiology can make us apprehend the operations of the mind. Both the mechanisms and organismic processes of physiology, when observed as such, will ever be found to work insentiently.
    This distinguishes physiological processes from the other two processes.
    Ayer (1966): If observing something entails having a sensation, then having a sensation cannot itself be a form of observation: for if it were we should be involved in an infinite regress. More over the sort of things that can be said about observation, or perception, cannot significantly be said about sensation.
    This distinguishes sensation from perception.
    The properties of perception are: structuring, meaning attribution, and action-foundation.

    A landscape is perceived as ordered: things are seen in context and in relation to each other**. The dominance of the whole- character in perception has been sufficiently demonstrated by Gestalt psychology. The perceptual processes of discrimination and pattern recognition, or the differentiation and integration of information, show that consciousness operates on at least two levels. For Gestalt psychology, integration comes first. This corresponds to the way landscapes or faces are seen: first, one has an impression of the face as a whole. This impression also determines the appreciation. Only afterwards are details noted and how they contribute to the whole. Wholes are seen on different levels, each whole functioning as an element on the level immediately above (Koestler's Holon). These levels show a hierarchical ordering (Simon), the next-higher level determining the meaning of an element.
    * In the following, the terms structure, pattern, order, whole, organization, composition, are used interchangeably. Differentiation is deemed unnecessary for the purpose they are used here.
    ** See also Bertrand Russell, Philosophical Essays (Unwin, 1976, blz. 157). Our results were obtained via in-depth interviews and structured questionnaires and with the help of photographs.

    Meaning Attribution
    The world is meaningful for a person. An inherent property of perception is to confer meaning to objects, situations and happenings. Meanings act as filters in perception: they determine what is seen and how it is seen (e.g. Bruner & Goodman). Structuring and meaning attribution are closely interconnected: the structure in which a thing occurs also determines its meaning.

    Actions lie at the basis of the perception of both structure and meaning, whereby perceiving itself is also an activity. Actions of the perceiver lie at the basis of the formation of perceptual schemata (Bartlett, Schütz, 1932);, actions of other people determine the content of these schemata. In the perception of landscapes the action-foundation of perception works out in two ways: (a) noticing the way the landscape is organized for public use; and (b) noticing opportunities for private use by the perceiver. Public and private use determine the structure and the meaning of a landscape in perception.
    These three properties of perception correspond to Polanyi's three aspects of tacit knowing: phenomenal, semantic, and functional; whereby perception is itself also a form of tacit knowing. Because of these three properties of perception it can be said that a landscape is seen as a system. Of this system only a limited number of attributes is discerned.

    Landscape Appreciation
    Perception and appreciation are closely related. According to Dembo (1960), values can be seen as qualities, attributes by which things are distinguished. To appreciate something is to see its qualities. But perception is also the seeing of qualities. Dewey (1931): "Red is not a sensation; it is a quality which we perceive". Perception is directed to qualities, attributes of an environment whose importance a person has learned. In the following, these qualities are called the dominant perceptual attributes (or merely perceptual attributes), a term proposed by the Dutch National Physical Planning Agency (RPD). So, the appreciation of a landscape is determined by the dominant perceptual attributes: a person looks at a landscape with an appreciative eye. Then, these qualities are judged; i.e. weighed, depending on their importance or interest for the use the person wants to make of the landscape. Indeed, the interest one has in a landscape proves to be the main determinant of its appreciation. Interest stems from use. In general, three groups of users can be distinguished: farmers, residents (living in villages or in the countryside), and tourists (mostly townfolk). Of course, the appreciation of a landscape is determined by more than the dominant perceptual attributes alone. There are also social, symbolic, ethical, affective aspects, plus conditions for use such as distance, accessibility, safety. In the following, only the role of the dominant perceptual attributes in landscape appreciation is considered.
    The relationship between the amount of a perceptual attribute present in a situation and its appreciation shows an inverted U form. This means that too much and too little of an attribute is appreciated negatively. The point of highest appreciation lies somewhere in the middle, depending among other things on a person's adaptation level for that attribute in that type of landscape. (What is normal for one type of landscape, e.g. a certain openness, may be too much or too little for another type). Too much and too little are a matter of taste.

    The Dominant Perceptual Attributes
    In the Netherlands each region is occupied by people and fitted up for a certain kind of use. The use of a landscape determines its character and its boundaries: visually, a landscape ends where a new form of use begins, except for small units such as power transmission lines or a gas pumping unit which a landscape can contain without losing its character; in that case these units remain alien elements. First and foremost a landscape is seen as a functional unit: a system with society as its structuring principle and characterized by a limited number of system variables or attributes. These attributes are:
    1. The amount of unity or coherence of the system. This has two aspects: (a) the presence of all appropriate elements, i.e. elements that belong to that system (completeness); and (b) the absence of inappro priate elements. Absence of the first kind of elements is not neces sarily experienced as disturbing; the presence of the latter is.
    2. The type of system, the function it performs. Aspects are: kind of use, intensity of use, and opportunities for private use -
    material (provisions and facilities) and immaterial (rules and norms).
    3. The physical or abiotic component of the system, especially soil properties, water (courses and drainage) and surface relief.
    These properties determine the opportunities for public and private use such as productivity and accessibility.
    4. The biotic component of the system, its natural or organic aspect.
    5. The spatial organization or lay-out of the system. Aspects are: the size of the open space, the distribution of space and mass,
    the vertical differentiation between elements, and the composition or patterning of the elements.
    6. The development of the system in time, linearly and cyclically. The linear aspects contain recent changes in the landscape vis-
    à-vis its historical character. Cyclical changes are due to the succession of the seasons.
    7. The way the system is managed, especially its maintenance.
    8. Phenomenal aspects such as colours, light and shadow, sounds, smells, tactile qualities, etc.

    These attributes have several implications:
    - They also determine the appreciation of a landscape. People have a more or less clear picture of how these attributes manifest themselves in different types of landscapes. This mental image, or internal representation, is based on experience and knowledge. When describing landscapes, people often use phrases such as: "These things belong together", or: "This thing doesn't fit here". The terms 'belong' and 'fit' have both a cognitive and a normative connotation. The mental image provides the expectation of what ought to be there and in this way becomes normative for the appreciation.
    - The attributes are not simple, independent features of a landscape but complex and overlapping fields of meaning, "Quality Indices" in terms of Craik & Zube (1976). (However, contrary to their view that a landscape has to be considered as an aggregate, here a landscape is regarded as a system. On the difference see Angyal 1967). This means that the indices overlap and mutually influence each other. The amount of overlap depends on the type of landscape.
    - The last six attributes draw their meaning from the first two, unity and use. Unity and use are always noticed first. The order of importance of the other attributes may vary in different types of land scapes. Also, not all six attributes need be present in a landscape. In an urban environment the physical component does not play a role in the perception and appreciation.
    - Each landscape is viewed in terms of these attributes; i.e. they are generally valid. As determinants of perception and appreciation they act as abstract rules (in the sense of Hayek 1969) or schemata (in the sense of Bartlett 1932 or Sch6tz 1932). That is, the way they operate is fixed but their content is flexible. In each landscape one has to determine anew how they-manifest themselves.
    - Most attributes have been mentioned before in the literature, but never as a coherent set of system variables, influencing each other and with their meaning dependent on the character of the whole, whereby perception and appreciation of the whole comes first. Neither is the importance of the use of a landscape for the perception and appreciation sufficiently recognized. (Public use mainly influences perception, private use mainly influences the appreciation).
    - The perception of attributes like unity and the size of a space is indicative of an integrating activity of consciousness in perception; an activity, moreover, that takes place on different levels (Hochberg 1981): unconsciously in the perception of the size of a space, already more consciously in the perception of unity (i.e. judgment enters more into the perception of unity than in the perception of the size of a space).

    ad 1. Unity
    Landscapes consist of elements. Examples of the elements of an agricultural landscape are farms, ditches, fields. These elements themselves are also seen as wholes consisting of parts. The elements of a ditch are banks, vegetation, verges, artefacts like bridges, dams, sluices, and even adjacent roads. Also perceived are functional qualities like suitability for fishing, canoeing, skating, ease of maintenance, suitability for drainage. So a ditch too is seen as a system, performing certain functions and possessing a characteristic organization. In a landscape, several of these systems are present and may overlap: a road can belong to the 'ditch'system but a ditch can belong to the 'road'system. Perceived properties of a system become more general and "stereotyped" as the system becomes larger ("The Netherlands is flat").
    On the level of the landscape that can be overseen from a certain standpoint people distinguish the following types:
    - older agricultural landscapes, generally from before a reallotment;
    - modern agricultural landscapes;
    - natural landscapes, e.g. forests, heather, dunes;
    - polder landscapes;
    - water landscapes;
    - village landscapes;
    - urban landscapes;
    - horticultural landscapes;
    - technocratic landscapes, e.g. industry, electricity works, infrastructural works.
    Each type of landscape has its own character: it constitutes a separate unity. The form of the elements is of secondary importance. Each type can take many forms, i.e. the elements may vary but the character of the whole remains the same. So an agricultural landscape can consist of meadows or fields, can have ditches or fences, cows or sheep. Individual elements do not describe the character of the whole. People have a more or less clear image of what each type of landscape looks like, which elements belong to it; information is coded, there are fixed and regular combinations (Miller's "chunks"). This implies that an
    element that fits into one type of landscape does not fit into another type. In the image of town people, a modern bungalow as a farmhouse does not fit into an old agricultural landscape; neither do materials like black concrete, motor tyres, or coniferous trees. These elements belong to modern agricultural landscapes, horticultural landscapes or technocratic landscapes. When a landscape takes over elements from another type then both corruption and levelling occur. The fact that an individual element may be beautiful does not lessen this effect; the character of the whole is more important for the appreciation than the character
    of individual elements. Each type of landscape may be appreciated positively or negatively, depending on the completeness of the image and the presence of inappropriate elements.

    ad 2. Use
    Landuse determines the design of the landscape system; it is the force that gives a landscape its dynamics and its form. Apart from public use and opportunities for private use, intensity of use is noticed. Users may be people or animals. Intensity of use is seen as busy/quiet, full/empty, intensive/extensive, and spatially as front/rear (fields and villages also have a front and a rear). Expectations about intensity of use depend on the kind of users present in the landscape and the type of landscape. In a polder landscape one expects to find cows but no picknickers. A polder landscape full of cows may be experienced as quiet, while with only a few tourists it is experienced as busy. Except for the kind of user (with their attributes such as machines, motor-cars, boats, tents), the presence of provisions or facilities for use also are an indication for the intensity of use. A ditch
    with a quay is experienced as more intensily used for fishing than the same ditch with a grass verge.
    In the course of time, expectations about forms and intensity of use may change. Formerly, at certain times of the year, many people were at work together in an agricultural landscape. Now this work is done by hired labourers with machines; man has disappeared from the picture. (This has both visual and social consequences; not only the involvement of people in the landscape changes but also the involvement in each other). A high intensity of use by people is often appreciated negatively.
    It is associated with noise, bustle, mischief, vandalism and unsafeness. A high intensity of use by strangers is appreciated more negatively than a high intensity of use by people of the same community. Many local residents stay at home in the weekend when tourists visit the forests or the beach. A low intensity of use may evoke fear of losing one's way or to being alone. (This goes for a forest as well as for a town centre). It may also be appreciated negatively.

    ad 3. The physical component: soil and water
    The soil is the carrier of the landscape system, the basic condition for all activities going on in the landscape. People notice the kind of soil (sand, clay, peat) and the degree of wetness, the main condition for use. But the physical component is also perceived indirectly, in the form of occupation, the kind of trees, the way villages are built (in a ribbon development or around a nucleus). Many people know the soil and drainage conditions in their area: whether it is calciferous, the ratio between clay and peat, variation in water levels between polders, local differences in density of ditches. Soil conditions are appreciated according to the activities of the perceiver. There is also a connection in the appreciation with other attributes, because it affects them, e.g. naturalness (growth conditions).

    ad 4. The biotic component: naturalness
    Naturalness has wide implications in common parlance. The most important criterion for naturalness is not the presence of vegetation but whether the impression is of an environment that has grown more or less spontaneously (if it forms an organic whole). This is noticed by the way the elements are shaped and how they fit in their environment. So old farms, grass-grown dikes, sandy paths and even old town centres can give an impression of naturalness. A second criterion, derived from this growth criterion, is the design of an environment. Natural is: not rigid, no square blocks with rows of uniform elements. Growth does not proceed along straight lines or continuously. The use of natural materials like wood and bricks also belongs to this criterion. As a third criterion the flora and fauna determine the impression of naturalness; whereby cows, rosebeds and maize fields are considered natural too. Naturalness overlaps with other attributes; e.g. with unity, because of the importance of the appropriateness of an element in its environment, and with historical character because of the contrast with the modern sterile large-scale style of building. Then the way an environment is managed has also implications for its perceived naturalness. Too much maintenance looks artificial; a too well- groomed forest looks like a park. This is appreciated negatively because it looks stiff and artificial and also because a park is part of an urban environment: it does not belong in a natural or an agricultural landscape. A park and a forest ought to look different because they belong to different types of landscapes. (Although in a park too one can experience nature exquisitely). With too little maintenance a forest looks like a wilderness. This is too much naturalness and is appreciated negatively too.

    ad 5. The spatial arrangement: spatiality
    Aspects are: the size and form of space, differences in height of elements (vertical differentiation) and the composition or patterning of the elements (horizontal differentiation). The perception of spatiality is effected by the integration of information on these three aspects. The perception of an aspect is effected by the integration of information on different cues for that aspect. For instance, cues for the perception of the size of a space are: the open surface of an area, the texture of the soil and the soil ' covering, the height and texture of the walls, the presence of isolated objects in space like trees or cattle, colour, lighting, microrelief. Information on these cues is integrated unconsciously, but people do have a mental picture of the spatial properties of the different types of landscapes. The appreciation of the size of a space depends on the type of landscape and on how other attributes occur, especially naturalness. In an agricultural landscape in the North of the Netherlands a large open space is appreciated positively because one has overview; it is a positive quality. In the South of the Netherlands (with other soil conditions) a large open space in an agricultural landscape is mostly appreciated negatively, because it means that vegetation has been removed; it denotes the absence of a quality (naturalness); it is emptiness, something is missing. In the appreciation of height differences and patterning it is important which elements give rise to the differences, especially their ordering. A collection of elements, e.g. a ditch, a meadow, a maize field, a farm, and trees can have a good arrangement (i.e. in order of size) or a bad arrangement (tall elements in the foreground). People have outspoken ideas about what is a right or a wrong arrangement, although these can differ between individuals.

    ad 6. Development: the behaviour of the landscape system in time
    (a) Historical character
    This is the linear development of the system. It is mainly manifested in cultural elements, although old trees also contribute to this attribute. Often it is called the historical character of a landscape, but in fact it comprises its whole development; its growth, not in space (that is naturalness) but in time. It is the continuity of culture reflected in the landscape. The presence of isolated historical objects (relics) is the least important of its aspects, for, just because they are isolated, detached from the stream of culture and disconnected from their environment, they are in fact ahistorical. If an element is still taken up in the stream of culture is mainly determined by its use. In fact, three things are important in the appreciation of a historical element in a landscape: does it still fit in its environment; does it still exert its function (or: a function); and how is it managed? The appreciation of a historical element is significantly greater if it still forms a part of a historical environment (not necessarily of the same age) and if it still exerts its function. If the element has acquired a new function adaptations may be criticized (e.g. rebuilding with very large windows, putting a new facade on an old shop, putting up advertising hoardings). Good maintenance of historical elements is very important. Old and dilapidated is appreciated negatively; old and well-maintained, positively. It is not that old is always good and modern ugly: many other criteria play a role.
    (b) Seasonal aspects
    This is the cyclical development of the system. The seasons not only find expression in phenomenal qualities such as the changing of colour of trees. The seasons are in the first place connected with different but ever-recurring activities in the landscape. In former days this connection was much stronger than it is now, as is apparent from the old practice of naming the months after typical agricultural activities, and it is not so long ago that in villages children's holidays were set according to these activities. Nowadays, the seaons determine the flow of daily activities less and less; they mainly influence recreational activities. This makes the pictorial qualities of the seasons more important.
    The appreciation of seasonal aspects also depends on accompanying changes in other attributes, such as use (skating is fun), naturalness, spatiality (in winter, space is experienced both as larger and smaller: larger because of the finer grain and greater uniformity of the soil covering (snow) and smaller because the outlines of the background are sharper), and phenomenal aspects (in rural and natural areas each season has its typical colours, sounds, smells).

    ad 7. Management
    Aspects are: providing facilities for use, e.g. quays for fishing; the regulation of use via rules; maintenance; and control on the observance of the rules. Good management also has to adapt to the exigencies of time; it is not only caring for a landscape so that it is fit for use, but also caring that a landscape is up-to-date. That is why fallow land and dilapidated buildings are appreciated negatively. Although maintenance is always appreciated positively, the expected amount of maintenance depends on the type of landscape: a modern agricultural landscape can tolerate less neglect and carelessness than an old agricultural landscape in the view of people. (There are also national differences in standards for maintenance). In maintenance, too, too much and too little are appreciated negatively. Too much is artificial, sterile: one cannot do anything anymore. Too little looks shabby: one won't do anything anymore. Further, this is a cumulative process: a shabby environment is treated with less respect than a neat one.

    ad 8. Phenomenal aspects
    These are the sensuous impressions a perceiver may experience in a landscape without them being analysed for meaning, without regard for their information content, apart from their message. Examples are sounds, smells, inanimate movement, colours, taste and tactile impres sions, lightfall, light-shadow, temperature, humidity, wind, the feeling of loose sand or pine-needles under one's feet, the rustling of trees. Colours are especially important. People often have a clear notion which
    colours objects in the landscape such as power lines, silos, farmstead roofs, ought to have, although these notions may differ markedly among individuals.
    Although many sensuous impressions are only temporary, or even momentary, they strongly influence appreciation.

    Some Applications of the Dominant Perceptual Attributes in Planning.
    The dominant perceptual attributes are abstract variables. Recommendations for their application in planning procedures can therefore only be abstract too. Environmental psychologists work inductively; they abstract general rules from individual cases. Planners and designers work deductively; they translate general rules into concrete measures. (In a number of studies, psychologists have found that people like complexity. Now a designer has to produce complexity in a concrete building or landscape). However, a designer/planner and a psychologist may meet at the abstract level of planning principles. Here are some examples.

    Van Rijn (1976) makes a link between alienation and properties of the environment. According to him, people have three needs concerning the environment: for structure, orientation and overview. (The latter two needs are both aspects of structure: orientation is based on the position of an element in its context, and to have overview refers to the possibility of forming an internal representation of the environment. Both are based an the seeing of relationships). If these needs are not satisfied, alienation occurs. This notion can now be extended and made operational. Extended: Perception is three-fold; the aspects
    being structuring, meaning attribution and action-foundation. Lack of any of these three can cause alienation, not only structure.
    Operationalization: the dominant perceptual attributes can be profitably used to describe a landscape system. In-depth interviews can be used to obtain information from residents and other users regarding shortcoming on these attributes. For instance, the legal procedure for making Environmental Impact Assessments is sorely in need of this kind of variables, the only measure (for social impact) now being an aesthetic one. Further, in planning circles the concept of disharmonious areas has been introduced. Disharmony and alienation are closely connected. In the eyes of the inhabitants of an area, disharmony could occur:
    - when the structure or the coherence of a landscape is impaired, e.g. by the introduction of too many inappropriate elements;
    - when the attribution of meaning is thwarted, e.g. by obscurity of functions, by disaccordance between form and function, or by too much centralization of decisions so that residents don't know the why, when and how of changes in their environment;
    - when opportunities for personal use are severely restricted, e.g. by strong curtailment of the environment, or by strong regulation or reduction of activities.
    This can take place on different levels: inside a landscape system and between systems, e.g. when in a system divergent forms of use are introduced with elements that cannot be combined; or when in an area different
    systems are located that cannot be combined, such as a highway through a residential area.

    In writings on planning or design, depreciation is sometimes expressed for a supposed resistance to change in people (also called conservatism, nostalgia, or the fear for the new landscape; e.g. Lörzing 1982). However, the wish to preserve the old must not be interpreted as a resistance to change or a wish to fix the past. Each force evokes a counterforce; each action a reaction. Technology has developed at such a rate in the last twenty years that the counterforce, the so-called nostalgia, has also become stronger. Technical developments are considered as progress. Nostalgia, however, must not be considered as
    a wish for retrogression, a return to the past. It is a wish for the preservation not of concrete situations but of qualities in the
    environment, not in the form of the conservation of historical elements but as guarantees that new environments have qualities too. These qualities are not necessarily tied up with the past; new landscapes can have qualities too. So the solution is not to suppress the antithesis (nostalgia) by denying it, but to dissipate it by reaching a balance or a synthesis. However, Waterbolk (1984) is pessimistic about the possibility of reaching a balance:
    New balances cannot arise anymore. In the landscape new structures do not combine with old ones anymore, as happened in the past. On the contrary, they dominate the old structures so much that these are no longer recognizable and the identity of the landscape is lost.
    The balance people desire is not a static one but dynamic. This means, among other things, that development and preservation are not considered as two independent and spatially separated processes, each with its own place in the landscape. According to the residents of an area a balance is not reached by dividing an area geographically into a historical part and a modern part. For them, it is important that an integration of the old and the new is attained. A landscape has to form one system, not two or three; then man is himself split up and cannot function as an integrated whole.
    Here, too, the dominant perceptual attributes offer a method to describe the impact of changes in the landscape as experienced by people. However, there is one bottleneck: they first have to be made operational. That will be the next step in research.

    De centrumfunctie en sociale uitwisseling.
    Soomer, K.L.P. de; Defares, P.B. ; Slijkerman, A.J.M. - \ 1987
    Bedrijfsontwikkeling 18 (1987). - ISSN 0303-4127 - p. 166 - 172.
    Cultuur, psychologie, omgevingsvormgeving en zelfoverstijging
    Boerwinkel, H.W.J. - \ 1986
    Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): P.B. Defares; M.J. Vroom. - Wageningen : Boerwinkel - 436
    cultuur - ontwerp - milieu - milieueffect - geschiedenis - landschap - mens - perceptie - ruimtelijke ordening - planning - psychologie - sociaal milieu - beschaving - cultuurgeschiedenis - invloeden - culture - design - environment - environmental impact - history - landscape - man - perception - physical planning - planning - psychology - social environment - civilization - cultural history - influences

    Development as manifested both in the culture as a whole and in individuals is based on a dialectical process. This is the central theme of this study.

    The nature of this dialectical process is explored in order to assess to what extent it may contribute to a solution of what has been labeled: the problem of self- transcendance in western culture. In this context, it is contended that the dialectical process runs as follows: a satisfying transactional event (thesis), is gradually hampered and eventually blocked and is inevitably being converted into a diametrically opposite direction (antithesis) and has ultimately to be 'liberated' (synthesis) by proceeding to a higher level of transactional functioning of the organism - and/or the culture.

    This very outcome is due to a differentiation steered by a set of four basic components, called 'dialectical control functions' (DCF's). These control functions are deducted on the basis of a formal analysis and illustrated with reference to basic theories and models of behavior borrowed from general psychology. Not only developmental stages of personality growth, but also models of perception and learning are reconstructed in such a fashion that the dialectical dynamics takes the form of successive stages.

    It is suggested that these stages are related to functional exchange structures in the brain.

    With due reference to diverse dialectical conceptualizations of philosophers who deal with the course of history, it seems possible to conceive of a culture as homologuous with processes in the individual.

    An important supplementation of the socalled 'forward' character of dialectic process, such as described above, is a 'backward' type of dialectic dynamics. This backward type of dialectic dynamics is engendered by the transactional partner, in close correspondence with the gradual appropriation by the subject of the dialectical control functions (DCF's). This backward dialectic appears to have a basic connection with the problem of self-transcendence as mentioned above. The transactional partner, eg. a parent in the role of 'counterpart' for the child, reverses the sequence of DCF-combinations so as to bring about 'disappropriation', while the subject - the child - is proceeding forwards.

    The concepts of 'giving and taking', of 'love for the other and self-love', of 'self- denial and self-actualisation' are thus connected in a fundamental dialectical bond.

    The main topics of this thesis concern the following. In chapter 2 several models of development of western culture comprising explicit or less conspicuous dialectical themes are explored.

    In chapter 3 some basic parallels concerning discussions about the problem of self-transcendence in the period around the beginning of our era among the Greek, the Romans and in Christianity and comparable discussions in our time are explored. The implications of these parallels for the interpretation of the period 'in between' as a fundamental dialectical regression of western culture are introduced as a warning to be vigilant with regard to the fundamental options of cultural progression, stagnation and regression.

    Chapter 4 describes the derivation of the basics of DCF-dialectics, both the forward and the backward types. In a brief comparative excursion the evident correspondence of the DCF-control-system is discussed. In view of the seemingly evident parallels between this system and the Periodic System of Elements in chemistry the dialectical system as depicted in this study is further referred to as a Periodic System of Psychological Transactions.

    In chapter 5 the forward and backward PSPT-dialectic are considered so as to see what practical consequences are implicated.

    First, the 'mystic road', in the sense that this may refer to a gradual and stepwise submergence into a sort of a union with the Absolute, is interpreted as typical for the backward dialectic; this in apparent contradiction to a downright regression. The former is a proces which takes place within a limited space and time dimension which is liable at any time to resume forward progression. Regression implies a less controlled form of a setback to earlier stages in PSPT-terms.

    Moreover a more or less drastic dissolution of the self is involved in surrendering to environmental demands.

    In order to make a clear distinction between the two modes, reference was made to an analysis of Erich Fromm, presented in chapter 3 in terms of healthy as opposed to negative, 'symbiotic' transcendence in relationships which imply mutual dependency.

    Another specification referring to the backward dialectic (in chapter 5) is to be found in the professional development of the reknowned psychotherapist from the humanistic school Carl Rogers. In this context due reference is given to the psychodynamics of his therapeutic procedure.

    As an example of regression which has to be taken as a serious option of defective self-transcendence in society, reference is made to the measurement of the socalled 'authoritarian reaction' in (American) society.

    The specific dimensions relevant for adaptation the backward dialectic and regression are finally integrated in the same chapter into a general model of decision making under threat.

    The change in basic orientation regarding the problem of self-transcendence - both in a personal (professional) and in cultural sense - may be interpreted as a process of successive steps in which the need for a fundamental change in adaptational strategy is evaluated by the subject or the culture.

    A prediction was put forward that a discriminative. assessment of a potential long term regressive dynamic in future cultural change is not to be expected before the end of the century.

    In chapter 6 an operationalization is presented of three socalled 'basic attitudes', to be defined as 'standards' from which each member of our culture is supposed to derive a priority-system of values.

    With formal reference to the PSPT-system, and with reference to the psychological analysis of western history which was presented in chapter 2, these three basic attitudes are called 'nomocentrism', 'technocentrism' and 'biocentrism'.

    Nomocentrism refers to the preferred valuation of traditional and hierarchically institutionalized values, customs and authority in a spatially bounded - more or less local - area.

    Technocentrism is the basic attitude favoring the functional allocation of differentiated tasks and facilities to be perceived as means to enhance organizational expertise.

    Biocentrism is the basic attitude in which all living creatures are the main focus which acts as the starting point and inspiration for decisional options. The former implies the living nature outside and inside the self and involves both human and nonhuman beings.

    In biocentrism the basic viewpoint is also that self-transcendence has to be integrated with self-actualization on a genuine nondominant basis.

    These three basic attitudes have been operationalized by means of the socalled NTB-scale, presenting 14 to 16 basic problems with which society is presently confronted. These problems range from small scale conflicts in the family via medium scale conflicts regarding environmental design to large scale conflicts concerning environmental pollution, nature conservation, financing of higher education, liberal art, arms control a.o.

    In three studies the scale was administered to a student population and permitted assessment in terms of validation.

    There appeared to be predominant adherence to the biocentric outlook. A further outcome showed successive steps of equal and significant distances for technocentrism and nomocentrism. The latter was evidently rejected by the majority of the respondents.

    Biocentrism appeared also to be significantly linked with a measure of generalized and differentiated forms of coping; and also with positive 'self experience', as measured with a special scale. A factor dimension in this scale, which was interpreted in terms of 'transcendence', was exclusively and posi tively correlated with NTB-biocentrism.

    The last two chapters are specifically concerned with the implications of the preceding for environmental design, with special reference to landscape architecture.

    In chapter 7 aspects of historical development in urban design and landscape architecture could be interpreted as a specification of the general dialectical picture in western culture as was described earlier.

    The professional development of the architect and urban designer Christopher Alexander was dealt with stipulating that his basic attitude is to a large extent comparable to the stand of Carl Rogers. The implimentation of the evocation of ideational processes in Alexander's clients could moreover be interpreted as basically similar in terms of the backward dialectic, as is the case in mysticism and also in the therapeutic process in Rogers' clinical practice.

    In chapter 8 the fundamental process of imaginative submergence in the object of design on the side of the client is differentiated formally in three phases.

    In the first phase, which was called the 'context of imagination', the dynamics of self-transcendence were considered to be steered by social psychological processes among different participants - including the designers - , implicating mutual exchange with regard to their respective basic attitudes.

    In the second phase, which was called the 'freedom of imagination' the dynamics of self-transcendence was considered to be steered by the interests of others outside the group of participants.

    In a formal sense the administration of local, regional and central government operating on principles of law and formal agreements constitute the financial and material limitations within which imagination may move freely. In a less formal sense the interests of people who just pass by, such as tourists and non- residents, can be brought into the imaginative process during this phase

    At last the dynamics of self-transcendence are directed at the imaginative processes with reference to spatial conditions, functional significance and personal experience.

    This in fact refers to the third phase which is called 'dynamics of imagination'. This phase is thoroughly covered by Alexander.

    His manner of dealing with the imaginative process, which we interpreted earlier as a specification of the backward dialectic, is conceived as a model for projects of landscape planning and design.

    By way of exemplification a design was presented which was diagnosed as suggesting a kind of self-transcendence on a truly biocentric basis, while at the same time suppression of the individual by a local community is to be feared.

    Another example refers to a project in which opportunities for genuine selftranscendence by local participants were probably overlooked.

    Two other projects in which environmental psychologists participated seemed to have failed in offering a substantial contribution to the dynamics of imagination in phase three - as was the case with the architects.

    In the final section attention is given to techniques which may enhance the capacity of architects to share their own imaginative experience with the users of their designs.

    Traumatische ervaringen, gevolgen en verwerking.
    Kleber, R.J. ; Brom, D. ; Defares, P.B. - \ 1986
    Lisse : Swets & Zeitlinger - ISBN 9789026507571 - 278 p.
    Traumatische ervaringen, gevolgen en verwerking.
    Kleber, R.J. - \ 1986
    University of Amsterdam (UvA). Promotor(en): P.B. Defares; P.E. Boeke. - Lisse : Swets en Zeitlinger - 278 p.
    Traumatische ervaringen en psychotherapie.
    Brom, D. ; Kleber, R.J. ; Defares, P.B. - \ 1986
    Lisse : Swets en Zeitlinger - ISBN 9789026507595 - 225
    geestelijke stoornissen - psychiatrie - psychosen - psychotherapie - mental disorders - psychiatry - psychoses - psychotherapy
    Traumatische ervaringen en psychotherapie.
    Brom, D. - \ 1986
    University of Amsterdam (UvA). Promotor(en): P.B. Defares; J.H. Dijkhuis. - Lisse : Swets en Zeitlinger - 225 p.
    The Dutch eating behavior questionnaire (DEBQ) for assessment of restrained, emotional and external eating behavior.
    Strien, T. van; Frijters, J.E.R. ; Bergers, G.P.A. ; Defares, P.B. - \ 1986
    International Journal Eating Disorders 5 (1986). - p. 295 - 315.
    Schuldgevoel en subjectieve competentie : condities voor verandering van gedrag
    Soomer, K.L.P. De - \ 1986
    Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): P.B. Defares. - Wageningen : De Soomer - ISBN 9789026507045 - 229
    abnormaal gedrag - verwantschap - ethiek - tabak - verslaving - tabak roken - obesitas - overgewicht - vriendschap - abnormal behaviour - kinship - ethics - tobacco - addiction - tobacco smoking - obesity - overweight - friendship

    In emotion theory, much attention has been given to guilt feelings as important emotions that play a significant role in interactions with the environment. Since Freud stressed the destructive influence of neurotic guilt feelings on the adaptive resources of the individual, ample attention has been given to these negative aspects in the psychological literature. It is important to emphasize that, according to this stand, guilt feelings have harmful effects on the intrapsychic dynamics of individuals and on their capacity to engage in interpersonal and social intercourse. In contrast, the potential positive impact of guilt feelings has been neglected in the history of psychology. Positive effects of guilt feelings are obviously not to be expected in the case of neurotic and unjustified guilt feelings. However, the negative evaluation of guilt may have obscured the functionality of guilt for adaptive behavioral change.

    In research on helping behavior, evidence has been found that moral transgression leads to greater compliance. According to Freedman (1970), the internal state that ties together the experimental findings, should be labeled as guilt. Guilt, the unpleasant emotion following neglected responsibility, can have positive effects for prosocial behavior. The research presented here elaborates on potential positive effects derived from guilt. Freedman draws attention to two major problems concerning guilt as an intervening variable: firstly guilt is a very rich, but somewhat vague concept, and secondly it is difficult to measure it directly. According to Freedman, various attempts to construct measures of guilt have been unsuccessful.

    In an attempt to overcome the latter difficulty, a new guilt scale was developed. In a preliminary phase, 30 subjects were interviewed on their belief s and feelings concerning situations that may arouse guilt feelings. On the basis of the data, 112 statements were formulated, indicating diverse aspects of guilt. In a later phase, these statements were presented to 188 subjects, using a five-point scale format. The data were condensed by way of factor analysis. The resulting guilt scale finally comprises 14 items. Factor one reflects a negative assessment of one's own functioning concerning both physical and psychological aspects. The second factor reflects the feelings of being rejected with reference to a negative evaluation of one's own behavior. Factor I refers to distress in a moral general sense. Factor II reflects the guilt element more specifically. In order to tackle the ambiguous content validity of the guilt concept, guilt was related tot the concept of (negative) subjective competence. Bowerman's (1978) subjective competence model provides a framework for assessing negative selfreferent belief structures, indicating the degree to which the subject attributes unfavorable behavior to himself of herself. The self-referent belief structures represent attribution-sequences implying three qualitatively different attributions, namely: action-attribution, i.e. attributing an action to an actor; effectattribution, i.e. attributing an effect to an action; and affect-attribution, i.e. attributing a positive or a negative affect to an effect. Each attribution can have a more or less positive or negative value. The value of the attribution-sequence is defined by the product of the different attributions: (action-attribution) x (effect-attribution) x (affect-attribution) = subjective competence.

    Additionally to an analysis of personal feelings of responsibility in terms of concrete, identifiable actions, the subjective competence model provides a new instrument for measuring cognitive defensiveness. The theory distinguishes between primitive and complex defenses. Primitive defenses resemble defenses known as denial and stopping thinking, and seem to be less susceptible to change or influence. Complex defenses resemble justifications and rationalizations, and seem to be more susceptible to change and influence. Individuals with stronger negative subjective competence will demonstrate more complex defenses, which is considered to facilitate behavioral change. On the other hand, individuals with less negative subjective competence will demonstrate more primitive defenses, which is considered to hamper behavioral change. Negative subjective competence indicates the degree of responsibility a person may feel with regard to his defective behavior and unfavorable outcomes, which he attributes to himself as an actor. To the extent that the explanation of negative subjective competence does not take the concept of guilt into account, the explanation would be morally neutral. Whenever a person's responsibility is at stake, however, a moral explanation is involved. Therefore, both guilt and negative subjective competence were operationalized as intervening variables in a research design which was applied to two different kinds of risky health behavior, namely cigarette smoking and overeating.

    In an initial pilot study a tentative operationalization of the subjective competence theory was tested using 85 cigarette smokers. In a later stage a more elaborate research study was carried out with 270 cigarette smokers in order to test a research design in which anxiety, negative self esteem, and attributionstyle predict guilt feelings concerning smoking and negative subjective competence concerning smoking, both to be considered as intervening variables. Subsequently, a higher degree of guilt and negative subjective competence, together with situational determinants and population characteristics, predict the following dependent variables: a stronger intention to quit smoking, more complex and less primitive defenses, and less positive attitude towards smoking. The evidence corroborates the theory to a considerable extent, and the results obtained via path-analysis gave further support to the validity of the theoretical model.

    In addition, three different degrees of guilt feelings were induced experimentally in order to test a differential effect on the readiness to change risky health behavior. In the first instance, a hypothesis concerning a curvilinear effect on change scores was not corroborated. Yet, on the basis of further analysis, using Analysis of Variance, the data indicate that the degrees of guilt induction are indeed differentially effective in enhancing the intention to behavioral change and in optimizing the structure of cognitive defenses. In fact the differences concerning primitive and complex defenses were substantial in the condition in which the middle level of guilt was induced. On the basis of the empirical findings it is concluded that the degree to which induction of guilt might contribute to behavioral change is to be considered as a function of (a) the strength of the message, (b) the susceptibility of the receiver, and (c) characteristics of the person or institution being held responsible for the message.

    A similar research model was tested on the topic of overeating, using 64 subjects, partly obese and partly non-obese individuals. Negative subjective competence concerning three patterns of overeating — emotional eating, external eating, and non-restrained eating — could in an analogous fashion be predicted by anxiety, guilt and negative self-esteem. In correspondence with the previous study a higher degree of negative subjective competence predicts stronger intentions to change behavior, and similar defense structures. More guilt and more negative subjective competence clearly contribute to a much higher extent than do low guilt and low negative subjective competence to the intention to change risky health behavior. Subjects with more guilt and more negative subjective competence demonstrate a more differentiated defense system in comparison with subjects with low guilt and low negative subjective competence, who demonstrate more primitive defenses. Further research on this topic is recommended in order to investigate whether guilt feelings can be fruitfully utilized in the context of therapeutic and preventive manoeuvres, especially in the field of addiction, pertaining to smoking, eating disorders, alcoholism, and drugs abuse, or even more generally in different areas of unwanted behaviors, such as vandalism and antisocial behavior.

    In the final chapter an attempt is made to apply the theory to the process of socialization. Extreme high guilt feelings, and hypersensitivity for guilt, undoubtedly represent an unwanted outcome of the socialization process, because they may lead to alienation from the self. Extreme low guilt feelings, however, and hyposensitivity for guilt, should also be considered ineffective, because they may lead to alienation from social reality. A medium degree of guilt feelings and sensitivity for guilt will be the better outcome. In this study the theory has been operationalized with respect to two specific risky health behaviors. The findings seem to justify the expectation that the theoretical model can be applied to other behaviors as well. In this manner the presented research possibly may offer a contribution to the rediscovery of the unjustly neglected constructive function, which guilt feelings may have for behavioral change.

    Life events, emotional eating and change in body mass.
    Strien, T. van; Rookus, M.A. ; Bergers, G.P.A. ; Frijters, J.E.R. ; Defares, P.B. - \ 1986
    International Journal of Obesity 10 (1986). - ISSN 0307-0565 - p. 29 - 35.
    Handleiding De Nederlandse vragenlijst voor eetgedrag.
    Strien, T. van; Frijters, J.E.R. ; Bergers, G.P.A. ; Defares, P.B. - \ 1986
    Unknown Publisher
    Geregelde spanning; Liber amicorum voor P.B. Defares.
    Soomer, K.L.P. de; Boerwinkel, H.W.J. ; Kleber, R.J. - \ 1986
    Wageningen : Stichting voor Onderzoek naar Psycho-sociale Stress - ISBN 9789067540971 - 206
    psychologie - psychosociale aspecten - sociaal gedrag - sociologie - verzamelde werken - psychology - psychosocial aspects - social behaviour - sociology - collected papers
    Eating behaviour, personality traits and body mass
    Strien, T. van - \ 1986
    Landbouwhogeschool Wageningen. Promotor(en): P.B. Defares; J.G.A.J. Hautvast. - Wageningen : Van Strien - 167
    karakteristieken - consumptiepatronen - voedselhygiëne - voedingstoestand - obesitas - overgewicht - persoonlijkheid - characteristics - consumption patterns - food hygiene - nutritional state - obesity - overweight - personality

    In this study, three theories on the development and maintenance of human obesity are investigated. These theories are the psychosomatic theory, the externality theory and the theory of restrained eating.

    The psychosomatic theory focuses on emotional factors, and attributes overeating to confusion between internal arousal states accompanying emotional states and physiological states of hunger and satiety. Individuals having the tendency to eat in response to emotional states are considered to be unadjusted and to suffer from unstable emotionality.

    Externality theory focuses on external food cues, and attributes overeating to a hyper-responsiveness to food-related cues in the environment together with unresponsiveness to internal cues of hunger or satiety. This tendency is considered to be a manifestation of the general trait of externality.

    The theory of restrained eating focuses on side effects of dieting, that is, the possible breakdown of restrictive control so that suppressed eating behaviour is disinhibited and excessive food intake occurs.

    Psychosomatic theory emphasizes internal instigation of eating and externality theory focuses on external instigation of eating. Both theories contend that dieting results from overeating and weight gain, whereas according to the theory of restrained eating, dieting may lead to overeating and weight gain. As these theories differ in assumptions why individuals overeat, it is difficult to determine how overeating or overweight can be adequately treated. Thus, the principal aim of this study was to test a number of hypotheses evoking from these theories. This was done by reviewing the literature on these theories (Part I of this dissertation) and subsequently by carrying out a series of psychometric studies on the relationships between the three types of eating behaviour central to these theories (emotional, external and restrained eating behaviour) and variables, such as personality traits and body mass (Part II of this dissertation).

    Agrarisch ondernemerschap in psychologisch perspectief.
    Defares, P.B. - \ 1986
    Wageningen : Wageningen Universiteit - 28
    cognitieve ontwikkeling - agrarische bedrijfsvoering - mentale vaardigheid - ontwikkelingspsychologie - cognitive development - farm management - mental ability - developmental psychology
    Schokkende gebeurtenissen: therapie en onderzoek
    Brom, D. ; Kleber, R.J. ; Defares, P.B. - \ 1985
    Unknown Publisher
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