Staff Publications

Staff Publications

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    'Staff publications' is the digital repository of Wageningen University & Research

    'Staff publications' contains references to publications authored by Wageningen University staff from 1976 onward.

    Publications authored by the staff of the Research Institutes are available from 1995 onwards.

    Full text documents are added when available. The database is updated daily and currently holds about 240,000 items, of which 72,000 in open access.

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    Genetic parameters of cryptorchidism in Friesian stallions
    Jong, A. de; Schurink, A. ; Nooij, J.R. de; Hellinga, I. ; Ducro, B.J. - \ 2016
    In: Book of Abstracts of the 67th Annual Meeting of the European Federation of Animal Science. - Wageningen : Wageningen Academic Publishers (Book of abstracts 22) - ISBN 9789086862849 - p. 581 - 581.
    Genetic parameters of cryptorchidism and testis size in Friesian colts
    Schurink, Anouk ; Jong, Adrianne de; Nooij, Hans R. de; Hellinga, Ids ; Ducro, Bart J. - \ 2016
    Livestock Science 190 (2016). - ISSN 1871-1413 - p. 136 - 140.
    Cryptorchidism - Friesian horses - Genetic parameters - Prevalence - Testis size

    In males with cryptorchidism, one or both testes do not descend into the scrotum thereby affecting among other things fertility. Testis size has been suggested to contribute to cryptorchidism. Therefore, the aim of our study was to estimate genetic parameters of cryptorchidism and testis size in Friesian colts. Data on cryptorchidism (0/1, n=1327) and testis size (cm, n=868 with size of both testes estimated) in Friesian colts of 1–7 months-of-age were gathered by a veterinarian during inspections from 2009 to 2012. Heritabilities, phenotypic and genetic correlations were estimated using ASReml4 including age of the colt (in months), location, year and month of inspection as fixed effects. Prevalence of cryptorchidism was 14.2%. Most affected colts (88.3%) were unilateral, while 11.7% were bilateral cases. Of the unilateral cases, significantly fewer colts had a left retained testis (35.5%) compared to a right retained testis (64.5%). Heritability of cryptorchidism was 0.13 (SE=0.06) and increased slightly when only cases of 4 months and older were considered. Based on literature and our findings we advise not to inspect colts at a very young age. Mean testis size significantly differed between left (3.47 cm) and right testis (3.19 cm). Heritability of left testis size (0.12±0.07) was lower compared to heritability of right testis size (0.31±0.10), where genetic correlation between left and right testis size was 0.87 (SE=0.12). The genetic correlation between left testis size and cryptorchidism was −0.94 (SE=0.15) and between right testis size and cryptorchidism was −0.64 (SE=0.23). At the age of the investigated Friesian colts, cryptorchidism genetically coincides with smaller testis size. The development of the left and right testis might differ, which could be hereditary in nature. More precise phenotyping, like recording position and size (and side) of the retained testis and age of the stallion, might contribute additionally to disentangling the genetic background of equine cryptorchidism and identifying the gene(s) affecting this disorder. For now, the continuation of the data recording as described in our study will enable the studbook to estimate breeding values and thereby select against cryptorchidism.

    Toxicological constraints for rehabiliation of riverine habitats: a case study for metal contamination for floodplain soils along the Rhine
    Leuven, R.S.E.W. ; Wijnhoven, S. ; Kooistra, L. ; Nooij, R.J.W. ; Huijbregts, M.J.A. - \ 2005
    In: Rehabilitating large regulated rivers: lowland river rehabilitation conference, September 29 - October 3, 2003, Wageningen, The Netherlands / Buijse, A.D., Klijn, F., Leuven, R.S.E.W., Middelkoop, H., Schiemer, F., Thorp, J.H., Wolfert, H.P., - p. 657 - 676.
    Echte natuur : een sociaaltheoretisch onderzoek naar natuurwaardering en natuurbescherming in de moderne samenleving
    Koppen, C.S.A. van - \ 2002
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): A.T.J. Nooij; H.P. Kunneman. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058086334 - 264
    natuurbescherming - mens - psychologie - impact - taxatie - milieu - sociologie - filosofie - samenleving - natuur - natuur- en milieueducatie - nature conservation - valuation - man - psychology - impact - environment - society - sociology - philosophy - nature - nature and environmental education

    The subject of nature valuation and nature conservation has attracted a vast body of social research. And yet there is hardly an accepted theoretical framework with which to clarify dominant present-day concepts of nature and their social backgrounds. Many of today's authors would rather emphasize the diversity and controversy in nature conceptualization than provide an integrated view. This book starts from the assumption that it is possible to trace long-standing and dominant social traditions of nature conceptualization across the multiplicity of natures encountered in modern societies. My aim is to present a theoretical framework that is able to illuminate the social structure of these traditions. In addition, I aim at contributing to the nature policy debate by developing the perspective of a democratic nature policy, and by analysing the relationship between public perception of nature and nature conservation. The argument of the book is divided into three parts.

    The first part is dedicated to tracing the main forms of nature that appear in Western modernity. It draws on philosophical, historical and sociological studies, in particular the works of the social theorists Serge Moscovici, Michel Foucault, Jürgen Habermas, Anthony Giddens, and Colin Campbell. I identify two main traditions in the shaping of nature in modern society. First, there is the tradition of science and technology, in which nature is shaped into a physico-chemical system of elements and processes that operate according to mathematical principles, without meaning or objectives in terms of human purposes. This form of nature I have called systemic nature. Following Moscovici's analysis, I argue that the development of systemic nature can be described as the establishment of a new 'state of nature' by an emerging category of scientists, who were able to impose the way they deal with nature as a dominant concept of nature in modern society. Notwithstanding the clarity and exactness of the scientific world view, it is characterized by fundamental problems, as demonstrated by Foucault. Human subjectivity and its place within the reality of nature are highly problematic concepts in modern thinking. The natural sciences seem to lead to the 'dehumanization' of the world. Simultaneously, however, scientific concepts become appropriated to the lifeworld of citizens. Conceptual problems regarding the place of humans in nature are represented in the current debate on reflexive modernity and 'the end of nature'.

    A second tradition of nature conceptualization is equally characteristic of modernity. It is situated in what Habermas refers to as the aesthetic and expressive domain. After Donald Worster, I call this tradition 'Arcadian'. Surfacing most prominently in Romanticism, the Arcadian tradition shapes nature as rural idyll or wilderness. Arcadian nature consists of living beings in their landscapes, and in particular it consists of living beings and landscapes positioned at a distance from industrial society. This type of nature is imbued with positive aesthetic and moral values. The Arcadian tradition, as analysed in this book, is complementary to industrialization and urbanization. Arcadian representations of nature are in many respects idealized symbolic types, rather than concepts based on actual experiences of nature. However, the Arcadian tradition also results from increasing sensibilities to nature a multitude of modern citizens. It arises from a society in which most people are no longer directly dependent on nature for their livelihood and increasingly encounter nature in lifeworld practices of enjoyment and care: nature recreation, nature study, and nature protection in a broad sense — ranging from a trip into the countryside and feeding birds to hikes in nature reserves and nature conservation activism. However, like the tradition of science and technology, the Arcadian tradition is not devoid of fundamental tensions. Drawing on Campbell, I show that in many respects these tensions go back to the social structure of Romanticism. A typical feature of Romanticism is the prominence and close relationship of emotion, intuition, aesthetics, and morality; another feature is an aversion to modern, industrialized society. In the representation of nature, these features are reflected in a strong emotional and moral attitude towards natural beauty, and in the admiration of rural life and wilderness. These features contrast with the rational attitude of citizens, and the exploitation of nature for production and consumption in modern society. In order to cope with this contradiction, modern thinking about nature has created symbolic divides — for example, between pet animals and animals raised industrially for food.

    Part I concludes that nature, as it appears in the lifeworld of modern citizens, is influenced by two major traditions: by the concepts of science and technology appropriated to people's lifeworld, and by the idealized representations of rurality and wilderness articulated in the Arcadian tradition. In the lifeworld, both traditions are mixed, modified, and moulded according to people's concrete experiences of nature. In addition to these traditions, many other frames of reference are of importance in the shaping of nature in the modern lifeworld, but none of them are as influential as these two.

    The next part of the book explores the conceptualization of nature in contemporary environmental sociology and develops subsequently a theoretical framework for social research into nature valuation and nature conservation. In environmental sociology—which is taken here in its broad sense — three clusters of nature conceptualization can be identified: one focusing on nature as a resource, one focusing on Arcadian nature, and one focusing on the social construction of nature. The first two are closely linked to the traditions identified in Part I. Instrumental values of nature for production and consumption are central to the resource approach. Nature is protected to safeguard the provision for human purposes of services that are not intrinsically related to nature, such as the supply of water and raw materials, food production, or genetic information. Environmental sociology, according to the resource approach, is concerned with the sustainable and socially fair exploitation of nature for production and consumption. Non-instrumental values are central to the Arcadian approach — that is, values intrinsically related to nature itself, such as the moral right to exist, aesthetic values, or cultural-historical values. With regard to the Arcadian approach, I stress the point that intrinsic values are not limited to moral, ecocentric values. Aesthetic values too can be regarded as intrinsic when they are directly related to the character of nature. In fact, the motivations of the modern nature conservation movement are largely based in such 'anthropocentric' intrinsic values. Environmental sociologists who take the Arcadian approach are primarily concerned with the protection of nature against human exploitation for the sake of these intrinsic values. The third approach arises from the recent flowering of constructionist thought. Although they attribute a different set of values to nature, both the resource and the Arcadian approach consider these values to be grounded in the reality of nature. The social construction approach, though not necessarily denying such a reality, explains nature as something constituted symbolically rather than given objectively. It emphasizes the diversity and contextuality of nature concepts.

    In reviewing the three approaches, it appears that each one makes a significant contribution to a social theory of nature, but none of them can provide a framework that adequately covers the phenomena of nature valuation and nature conservation. Such a framework, I suggest, would have to meet two essential requirements. First, it should be capable of reconciling two fundamental notions: on the one hand, the social construction of nature and, on the other, the 'materiality', or relative independence, of nature as experienced both in scientific practice and in everyday life. Second, it should provide a theoretical space for the type of nature valuation central to the Arcadian approach. In other words, the 'materiality' of nature should not only harbour systemic nature, but also living beings and landscapes bestowed with moral and aesthetic meaning. The remainder of Part II is dedicated to developing this framework.

    The first step towards the framework consists of the elaboration of the concept of 'primary practice'. Drawing on Moscovici, I define a primary practice as a specific practice of interaction with material reality constituting the major basis for the conceptual development of a state of nature. The primary practice of systemic nature, as discussed in Part I, is the research of scientists in the context of laboratories and industrial processes. Nature is manifested in this practice as an independent reality, but at the same time it is socially constructed through invention and experimentation. Furthermore, Moscovici's theory opens up the theoretical possibility of other states of nature. As argued earlier, Arcadian nature can be considered as a second major state of nature in modern society. The primary practice that constitutes the basis of Arcadian nature, I argue, is the set of practices of enjoyment of and care for nature that has become part of the lifeworld of modern citizens.

    In the second step towards a theoretical framework, the concept of lifeworld is developed in discussion with Habermas. Following Habermas, I take the lifeworld as a frame of reference that is shared by a multitude of citizens and that fulfils a crucial role in social communication. Diverging from Habermas, I argue that the domain of the lifeworld is not restricted to linguistic communication, but encompasses also the dimension of body and senses. The lifeworld consists not only of shared scientific knowledge and shared social norms, but also of shared sensual and emotional experiences, including sensibilities to nature.

    Thus, the outline of the theoretical framework as laid down in Part II is as follows. There are three overlapping spheres of nature conceptualization in modernity: the sphere of science and technology, the sphere of the Arcadian tradition, and the sphere of the lifeworld. In the interaction between science and technology and the lifeworld, concepts of science are appropriated to the lifeworld — but the primary practice of these concepts is situated outside of the lifeworld in the 'province' of scientific research. Interaction takes also place between the Arcadian tradition and the lifeworld, but this is of a different character. The idealized images of nature are mostly created outside of the lifeworld by small groups of nature lovers and artists. However, the primary practice of materially 'realizing' these images is situated within the lifeworld. In the interaction between the Arcadian nature representations and the lifeworld, therefore, the lifeworld practices of enjoyment of and care for nature are, in the end, decisive. Rationalization of the lifeworld is a crucial condition for the democratic direction of nature management. This kind of rationalization encompasses both the appropriation of instrumental scientific knowledge and the articulation of sensibility to the moral and aesthetic meanings of nature.

    In the third part of this book, the theoretical framework is applied to two case studies of nature conservation in the Netherlands. The first case study deals with the development of the nature conservation movement and nature conservation policy in the twentieth century. It is clear that the Dutch nature conservation movement has its roots in the Arcadian tradition. The appreciation of nature aesthetics (in Dutch 'natuurschoon'), linked to practices of nature recreation, occupies a central place in nature conservation texts of the first half of the twentieth century. However, the concept of nature aesthetics is much broader than only visual attraction: it encompasses also features such as rarity, unspoilt character, and cultural history. Hence, I speak of 'inclusive' aesthetics. From 1940 onwards, however, the concept of aesthetics loses its prominent place in nature conservation documents. After 1970, a new term comes to the fore: ecological values. In fact, this term refers to two kinds of values: instrumental values based upon the 'life support functions' of nature, and intrinsic values. In this context, the term intrinsic value refers, however, only to the moral values of nature, and not to other non-instrumental values, such as aesthetics or cultural history. Notwithstanding this shift in conservation arguments, inclusive aesthetic values continue to play a pivotal role in practical nature management. The institutionalization of nature conservation was possible because of the strong social support of the Dutch public. Non-instrumental, moral and aesthetic values are prominent among Dutch citizens. Aesthetic values in particular are closely related to lifeworld experiences of nature recreation. Although it is hard to establish the exact influence of the lifeworld, there exists a plausible link between the continuing Arcadian character of nature conservation in the Netherlands and nature as it is experienced in the lifeworld of citizens. This is in line with the idea of primary practice in the theoretical framework.

    The second case study concerns the biodiversity debate. Notwithstanding the differences between the Arcadian approach and the resource approach are distinct, both approaches are often intricately linked, in the lifeworld as well as in nature conservation policy. The biodiversity debate is a case in point. Within this debate, both internationally and in the Netherlands, there is an important, perhaps even dominant, strand that conceives nature in terms of evolutionary genetics and whose arguments for nature conservation are based mainly on the economic importance of genetic diversity. Following the terms set out in the theoretical framework, the tradition of science and technology moves to a central position in the thinking about nature conservation. This strand of argumentation is disputed, however. On the one hand, attention to the economic utilization of nature can contribute to a more realistic approach of nature, which demystifies the symbolic ideal type of wilderness and leaves more room for combining nature conservation and socio-economic development. On the other hand, the scientific foundation of the resource arguments is often poor, and it easily becomes a pseudo-scientific cover-up for other, Arcadian motives. In international forums as well as in the Netherlands, this way of biodiversity argumentation appears to end up in technocratization rather than reflexive modernization of the biodiversity debate. I suggest that for a more rational debate on biodiversity to take place — in the sense of the theoretical framework — a broad view of biodiversity is more appropriate. According to this view, the modern scientific concepts of biology can inspire, augment, or modify Arcadian nature concepts, but not replace them.

    In the epilogue, I draw up the balance of this book. In addition to summarizing the main conclusions of the three parts, I discuss the question whether nature conservation is a socially engaged movement or, instead, a manifestation of modern hedonism. I suggest that establishing a clear link between our longing for nature and social harmony, on one hand, and our decisions on production and consumption in their global consequences, on the other, would be an important requirement for nature conservation as a socially engaged movement. In other words, we should try to overcome the Romantic divide between 'real nature' as an ideal state beyond modern society, and real nature as something we live in and use.

    Sociologie, van modern naar weerbarstig
    Nooij, A. - \ 2001
    Wageningen : Wageningen Universiteit - 21
    sociologie - tendensen - nederland - leerplan - universitaire onderwijsprogramma's - universiteiten - veluwe - gelderland - sociology - trends - college programs - curriculum - universities - netherlands - veluwe - gelderland
    Gammakennis voor de groene ruimte: keurslijf of uitdaging?
    Volker, K. - \ 2001
    In: Het precaire evenwicht tussen distantie en betrokkenheid : opstellen aangeboden aan A.T.J. Nooij ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid als hoogleraar van Wageningen Universiteit / de Haan, H., Mol, T., Spaargaren, G., - p. 128 - 144.
    plattelandsplanning - rurale sociologie - kennis - participatie - platteland - nederland - rural planning - rural sociology - knowledge - participation - rural areas - netherlands
    Van productieboer naar plattelandsondernemer in het Veenweidegebied bij de Randstad
    Ploeg, B. van der - \ 2001
    In: Het precaire evenwicht tussen distantie en betrokkenheid; opstellen aangeboden aan A.T.J. Nooij ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid als hoogleraar van Wageningen Universiteit / de Haan, H., Mol, T., Spaargaren, G., - p. 57 - 85.
    Waarom landbouw in Nederland?
    Woerkum, C. van - \ 2001
    In: Het precaire evenwicht tussen distantie en betrokkenheid. Opstellen aangeboden aan A.T.J. Nooij ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid als hoogleraar van Wageningen Universiteit / de Haan, H., Mol, T., Spaargaren, G., Wageningen : Wageningen Universiteit - p. 114 - 119.
    Het Weigevoel in het Groene Hart van de Randstad : een studie onder melkveehouders in het Westelijk Veenweidegebied naar hun bereidheid en mogelijkheden zich te ontwikkelen van productieboer tot plattelandsondernemer
    Ploeg, B. van der - \ 2001
    Wageningen University. Promotor(en): N.G. Röling; A.T.J. Nooij. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058084903 - 214
    melkveehouderij - veengronden - graslanden - economische sectoren - landbouwproductie - boeren - ondernemerschap - plattelandsontwikkeling - platteland - innovaties - ruimtelijke ordening - landbouwontwikkeling - duurzaamheid (sustainability) - modernisering - zuid-holland - utrecht - veenweiden - west-nederland - groene hart - economie - landbouw - plattelandsvernieuwing - sociologie - veenweidegebied - Noord-Holland - dairy farming - agricultural production - agricultural development - sustainability - farmers - entrepreneurship - economic sectors - rural development - rural areas - innovations - modernization - physical planning - peat soils - grasslands - agriculture as branch of economy - zuid-holland - peat grasslands - west netherlands - groene hart

    Introduction: narrow versus wider farm development

    There is a growing interest in the multifunctionality of rural space, in which both agricultural production and other functions are considered to be important. An OECD publication (1994) refers to these other functions as follows: 'Rural areas are home to a wide range of natural and man-made features - also called amenities - including wildlife and flora, ecosystems of special interest, recreational areas as well as cultivated landscapes, unique settlement patterns, historic sites, and social and cultural traditions that cannot be transferred or recreated elsewhere.' The title of the OECD publication, The contribution of amenities to rural development, is at the heart of the story told in this book. One of the points that will be brought forward is that it is not at all easy to bring about positive contributions to economic development via amenities. On the contrary, as Blöchliger says in the mentioned publication, besides our target option 4 (see box), there are three other possible interactions between amenities and rural development. Below is an overview of options for rural development in relation to destruction versus promotion of amenities.

    development leads to the destruction of amenities,e.g. standardised farming practices develop at the expense of unique regional characteristics;non-development leads to the destruction of amenities,e.g. farming fades away, taking cultural landscapes along with it;preservation/promotion of amenities leads to non-development,e.g. severe constraints on farming such as prescribed high water tables in the study-area;preservation/promotion of amenities leads to development, e.g. the creation of a financial spillover from city dwellers who are 'consumers' of the countryside according to farmers who welcome the role of 'local environmental manager' (Fuller 1990).

    back-lash from 3 to 2

    This study

    This book is about the feasibility of the win-win solution presented as option 4. This feasibility is analysed from three points of view:

    farmers as emerging 'local environmental managers', representing the supply-side of wider farm development;

    society present in governments, citizens and consumers interested in other kinds of products and services delivered by farmers, representing the demand-side of wider farm development;

    interaction between farmers and society, especially markets as organisations that enable exchange to take place (between farmers and society).

    The main sources of information for this book are:

    A survey about wider farm development in 1996 among 105 cattle farmers in the peat-meadow area to the north of Amsterdam (Waterland). This survey was part of an international multidisciplinary research project to support EU Agri-Environmental Programs (regulation 2078/92). The sociological perspective on individual farmers (attitudes) and social organisations (support system for wider farm development) in Waterland was elaborated in Van der Ploeg (1999).

    A follow-up survey in 1999 on 33 dairy farms in this sub-area Waterland at the northern fringe of the peat-meadow area of the western Netherlands;

    A twin-survey of the foregoing, also in 1999, on 33 dairy farms among young farmers (up to 40 years) and their wives at the southern fringe of the peat-meadow area, between Rotterdam and Utrecht (Alblasserwaard/Vijfheerenlanden);

    Desk research by two research institutes (Agricultural Economics Research Institute, Alterra for Research on Green Space), for four provincial governments in the Randstad area into future possibilities of land-based farming in an urban environment. This identified several factors in the development of conventional and wider farm development:

    factors internal to the farming sector, including changing EU price and market policies;

    factors external to the farming sector, especially the urban market for wider farm development; and

    factors at the interface of rural and urban, especially the urban influence on prices for agricultural land (relatively high) and the limiting consequences of this for scale enlargement in conventional farming.

    This desk research included an analysis of the (potential) effective demand for new

    products and services delivered by farmers, given the existing market organisation.

    An ongoing research (May 2001) by the same institutes for the Ministry of Agriculture, Nature and Fisheries about the consequences for farming as an economic activity and as a supporter of the so-called 'green heart' of the urbanised Randstad area. This study focuses on the central part of the peat-meadow area halfway between the study areas mentioned above.

    The study areas Waterland (1,2) and Alblasserwaard (3) are front runners in the grass-roots movement for wider farm development. Both farmers' nature organisations (Waterland, Den Hâneker) are among the oldest and largest organisations of this type in the Netherlands.

    It should be noted that farming in both study areas seems to be more compatible with wider farm development because of the relatively low cattle density compared with the central part of the peat-meadow district.

    The reality of rural development in the Netherlands, in particular in the peat-meadow areas

    In the Netherlands the first option (see box) was most clearly the case in the era of scale enlargement and specialisation in farming, when there was an emphasis on adapting sites to allow for application of uniform farming systems. This emphasis on site reconstruction was probably stronger in a manmade country like the Netherlands than in most other countries. Particularly in the period 1950-1980 most rural regions underwent changes during land consolidation and reallotment projects. Policies for water management provide an example. Agricultural production goals in most cases determined at what level water tables should be managed and, consequently, how the rural area should be reconstructed (system of waterways, dams, pumping stations or mills and drainage at field level).

    After about 1980 other goals besides agricultural production became more important as factors in the design of land consolidation plans. New plans were often the outcome of clashes of interests in the rural area, although officials preferred the label 'integrated planning'. Plans were adapted to the wishes of farmers, tourists and stakeholders of nature and landscape values. For some regions the view even prevailed that farming systems should be subservient to nature and landscape goals. This applied to the so-called 'relation policy areas' (Ministry of Agriculture) and especially to some small marginal peat-meadow areas (wetlands or fens) that were brought under EU mountain farming regulations. In these areas physical handicaps for conventional farming were conserved or even brought about - e.g. high water tables in the peat-meadow areas - if this was considered necessary for nature and landscape qualities. On the other hand farmers were eligible for subsidies if they were willing to participate in a management agreement scheme (EU regulation 2078/92). This income subvention was to prevent the preservation of amenities from leading to the non-development of farms (option 3) and eventually to farming fading away and taking with it - as a backlash effect - the typical meadow landscape and natural species like meadow birds and botanical grassland (option 2).

    Recently awareness is growing of nature and landscape values in rural areas outside the management zones ('white zones'). Besides the management agreements based on acceptance of constraints by farmers, now there are also schemes that reward actions by farmers that are beneficial to nature or landscape, especially in field margins but also all over the fields (e.g. protection of birds' nests). In these schemes, grass-roots farmers' nature organisations mediate between subsidising authorities and individual farmers who conclude contracts on 'nature production' (option 4).

    'Development' in terms of internalising amenities in farm economics

    Option 4 is a special case of internalising amenities in farm economics. It represents internalisation in which economic decisions refer to amenities as benefits (economic resources) to the farm business. Internalising amenities in farm economics takes a different direction if negative effects on amenities from farm development/functioning are regarded as a cost factor by the farmer.

    Both kinds of internalisation presume changes in the context of economic decision making compared with a former situation in which so-called externalities existed, sometimes of two different kinds: (a) positive externalities such as cultural landscapes and (b) negative externalities such as the pollution of natural resources (van Kooten 1993). An example of a context change that allows for internalising a former positive externality is mentioned above in option 4 as the creation of a financial spillover from city dwellers who are 'consumers' of the countryside to farmers who accept the role of 'local environmental manager'. An example of a context change which solves former negative externalities in the Netherlands is the so-called system of mineral balances that imposes a fine on farmers who exceed norms with regard to the physical 'input minus output' rate (Mineral Surplus) on their farms. In our case-study, an even more relevant illustration is that governmental regulations for the management of surface water can be designed in favour of amenities. This is done by prescribing high water tables that are needed for sustainable organic (peat) soils and thus for the continuity of the typical peat-meadow landscape and nature. In zones with very high water tables (up to the grassroots) income compensations are given to farmers ('mountain' area regulation), but in zones with moderately high water tables (60 centimetres below surface), farmers are likely to have more financial problems due to yield reductions and relatively high production costs.

    From a farmer's perspective one kind of internalisation is described in positive terms (benefits) whilst the second type is stated in negative terms (costs). From a non-farmer's perspective the two might be seen the other way round.

    In the view of non-farmers, the first can be associated with expenditures, assuming their willingness to pay for amenities. The establishment of markets is crucial here, following Tomlinson (1996) who described them as institutions that enable exchange to take place, in this case between (a) farmers who commit themselves to the 'cultivation' of rurality and rendering services to visitors to the countryside and (b) urban people who derive satisfaction from their stay in a rural area or simply from the idea that farmers are taking care of rural amenities. Bryant and Johnston (1992) describe this type of 'consumption countryside' with its active role for farmers, in areas that are close to urban centres, as 'agriculture in the city's countryside'. This implies that farmers in wealthy urbanised societies can make a living out of the 'cultivation' of rurality (nature, landscape and a clean and relaxing environment) and its economic exploitation (e.g. agritourism). This type of agriculture in densely populated regions implies a delicate combination of: (1) articulation of differences between rural and urban space, (2) establishment of functional linkages between rural and urban systems (e.g. a public footpath passing farms), and (3) economic linkages to create the financial flow (spillover) from urban people to farmers.

    As a consequence, farmers might have to abstain from adoption of what is labelled progress in mainstream farm development, especially if this would destroy amenities. A complication is that amenities are not always just there (in the countryside) but sometimes exist primarily as a 'social construction' (concerning rurality) in the eye of the beholder. Farmers may try to produce 'counter-social constructions' for instance by suggesting that the countryside is most attractive if it is alive and not an open-air museum. A striking illustration of contested social constructions is the introduction of automatic milking systems in dairy farming. This can be presented as a symbol of industrial farming systems clearly at odds with the idea of rurality, but in our study area it is presented by an organic farmer as a way to give back to cows the natural situation of being milked more than twice in 24 hours.

    The second way to internalise amenities in farm economics for non-farmers has environmental benefits (including the prevention of environmental harm) without financial costs. If society wants farmers to behave in an environmentally friendly way, it can use a 'soft mechanism' (convincing them about standards of good farming practices) or a 'hard mechanism' (overruling by collective decision making, obligatory standards and, if necessary, charges on those 'negative externalities' which are not strictly forbidden). The 'soft mechanism' appeals to countryside stewardship, the 'hard mechanism' leaves little choice to farmers other than to evaluate farm decisions differently than before. For broad-minded farmers there is a middle course, called 'license to produce'. These farmers are searching for positive action (the creation or conservation of amenities) as a possible substitution for a future more painful 'hard mechanism' that would be imposed from outside. A major incentive might also be the desire to improve the image of agricultural products. Being broad-minded in conventional farming is not far away from wider farm development, in which 'environmental services' and quality products are perceived as means to realise additional value for the farm, especially when a farmer's orientation to the world market is (partly) replaced by an orientation to niche markets.

    For non-farmers a 'free ride' to amenities might depend on their power or influence to reduce farmers' free property rights over land to conditional property rights. The reader should remember the example of the Dutch system of Mineral Balances and the conflicting interests between farmers and non-farmers regarding policies on water tables. It is highly relevant that non-farmers in recent years have gained much more influence in Dutch drainage boards (Dutch 'waterschap'), because these boards can also prescribe water tables in ditches between farm fields. Farmers in an urbanised society like the Netherlands are a small minority. Yet real possibilities for 'free rides' to rural amenities are limited for the urban majority as long as farmers cannot be replaced as 'environmental managers', as in the case of peat-meadow landscapes. Because farmers have to make a living in a market economy, there is always the danger of option 2 above, the fading away of farming, taking along with it the highly valued cultural landscape.

    The city's green heart: a case of wider farm development

    The peat-meadow district in the western Netherlands covers about 100,000 hectares of land and water. At some places there is a peat layer of 10 meters or even more. The land surface in this area has been sinking continuously since the time of reclamation around the year 1100. Locally the peat has already almost vanished, due to oxidation of the soil. For the conservation of peat soils it is essential to maintain high water tables in the broad ditches between the meadows. Drainage boards have legal power to prescribe such high water tables to farmers. Depending on the level at which the water tables are fixed, for conventional dairy farming peat-meadow areas represent seriously disadvantaged farm locations (wetland zones) or moderately favourable farm locations, zones in which water tables are at least 60 centimetres below grassroots.

    The peat-meadow district is surrounded by several urban centres including Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam and Utrecht. The area is popularly called the cities' green heart ( Groene Hart van de Randstad ). The green heart was protected with some degree of success from urbanisation by physical planning and also by physical local conditions (high cost of building houses on soft peat soils). The green heart is a powerful symbol in Dutch politics because it is thought to prevent the Randstad cities from growing together. Besides this, the meadow landscapes, like other polder landscapes, are seen as a part of the Netherlands' national identity. The high level of bio-diversity of the peat meadows, especially on extensive grasslands, is an additional reason to protect this green heart. The district also has a function in international ecosystems, especially for migrant birds.

    Farming in the district in recent history reflects some of the dominant trends in this sector during the era of industrialisation. Most important here are two trends towards uncoupling of farming:

    from its natural environment (relatively) and

    (b) from direct interaction with its nearby urban markets (rather drastically).

    The relative uncoupling of farming from the natural environment can be illustrated most clearly by the case of fertiliser. Initially the peat-meadow district was known for its highly productive grasslands, due to the 'natural nitrogen' set free by the process of oxidation in peat soils. This comparative advantage became less important with the introduction of chemical fertilisers. On the other hand the disadvantages of the soft soil became more clearly visible when farming was mechanised, including the replacement of boat farming by tractor farming, and because of higher cattle densities induced by the use of chemical fertilisers.

    The rather drastic uncoupling of farming from direct interaction with nearby urban markets can be illustrated with the disappearance (to a large extent) of some typical farming systems in the area. The most interesting farming system was found in the centre of the current Green Heart. There, until the 1960s many farms had an integrated system of cheese making based on the output from dairy farming and providing the input (skimmed milk) for pig production. These pigs were called 'butchers' pigs', as compared with 'bacon pigs' for the export market. The farming system of cheese production and dairy farming on the one hand and pig production on the other was prosperous and extremely laborious for farmers and their wives (in charge of the cheese making). It was also marked by high land use intensity (cattle density). However, there was a large diversity in land use within each farm. Fields at the back of the farm properties - deep in the polder - were often managed in an extensive way, which in turn allowed for a rich biodiversity.

    Until about 1980 both uncoupling tendencies were stimulated by the prevailing forces in agribusiness and governmental policies. Since then there has been a counter-movement directed at recoupling farming with its natural environment. In some parts of the peat-meadow district, the so-called relation policy areas, extensive grassland farming was promoted by (a) restrictive policies on water table management and (b) financial support policies or management agreements. In recent years this was followed by a grass-roots movement (farmers' nature organisations) backed by government subsidies, aiming at higher qualities of nature in zones where circumstances allow rather intensive agriculture production practices.

    In recent years there has also been a counter-movement aimed at recoupling farming with nearby urban centres. In government initiatives - e.g. the Valuable Landscape Project (WCL) in Waterland - and in farmer initiatives such as the city's garden ( binnentuin ) of the regional farmers union WLTO, a restoration of linkages between urban and rural systems was put on the agenda. There is a close connection between this 'social recoupling' and the 'ecological recoupling' mentioned above. Farming is to be made an ecologically and socially friendly business. Some of the proposed changes can be classified as ecological widening of farm development (e.g. nature conservation by farmers) whilst others can be characterised as the social widening of farm development (e.g. farm tourism). The orientation to special quality products with high value added is here considered deep farm development

    Delimitation of wider farm development as a possible way out

    The most striking change seems to be that the countryside is no longer regarded as the property of agriculture, to be adapted to the production needs of farmers, but is increasingly claimed as the property of a range of mainly urban groups (nature conservationists, tourists etc.), who believe that it is agriculture which has to adapt to the needs of amenities in the local countryside and not the other way around. Farmers, particularly in urbanised areas, are faced with a double-bind dilemma, involving conflicting external claims: (a) an urban society asking for rurality and (b) a world market urging cheap production. Internalising amenities as additional costs in farm economies can easily transform this double bind into a deadlock for farm development.

    Against this background, the positive way to internalise amenities into farm economies is taken as a goal in this case-study. The combined 'cultivation' and economic exploitation of amenities is called wider farm development. Three main types are distinguished:

    deep farm development, e.g. organic farming and regional quality products such as on-farm cheese making, where amenities are tied up in agricultural products provided that consumers want to pay for the additional labour, care and out-of-pocket-costs to the farmer compared to conventional products;

    ecological widening, especially the management of nature, landscape and/or physical environment features such as 'clean water ditches', as an economic activity done alongside agricultural production;

    social widening, particularly farmers rendering paid services to visitors to rural amenities, e.g. on-farm tourism and educational/recreational excursions to farm fields with nature management.


    Farmers and farmers' wives show mostly a general attitude pro or con wider farm development.

    Farmers who are enthusiastic about the most popular type of wider farm development (ecological widening) relatively often are positive about the unpopular type (social widening) or at least they are less negative about this option compared to other farmers.

    This applies to farmers' wives as well, taking into account that they generally are more positive about social widening compared to their male partners.

    This general attitude of farmers for or against wider farm development is found independent from a general attitude for or against conventional farm development (scale enlargement, intensification and specialisation in dairy farming). This does not apply to farmers' wives: positive feelings about wider farm development relatively often go together with negative feelings about conventional farm development.

    Farmers who welcome ecological widening or deep farm development (especially organic farming) often say this enables them to derive more satisfaction from their occupation as a dairy farmer: it makes them a real farmer again. These farmers may be positive about social widening because as a dairy farmer the then have a license to produce.

    The future growth of wider farm development will be limited primarily by a lack of effective demand for new products and services offered by farmers and less by limitations at the supply side of it, especially if many farmers and farmers' wives would refrain from involvement in wider farm development.

    The empirical analysis of room for wider farm development at both (supply and demand) sides was done within the frame of current market institutions. Emergent institutions were taken into account only in a conceptual analysis.

    4) A considerable economic growth of wider farm development of at least 100% seems feasible. However given the prospects of declining economic margins under 'Agenda 2000' this will not be sufficient to improve the rather poor incomes of farmer families in the peat-meadow area. Probably these incomes will go down considerably which might result in a development mentioned before as option 2: farming fades away, including cultural landscapes.


    The outcome of this study indicates the existence of a social dilemma in the green heart of an urban area. City dwellers who prefer to have a free ride in the countryside will eventually find that green pastures and cultural landscapes, in this case of a low-lying peat area, will have been replaced by swamps. Farmers and non-farmers both would be losers without an acceleration into wider farm development.

    An ongoing research about perspectives for 'a green heart - with farmers - on its way to a higher level' explores possibilities for an acceleration in wider farm development in which parties (agriculture, city) will offer much more to each other.

    The generous offer from the agricultural side could have two main components. The first component has a negative connotation for production-oriented farmers: the acceptance of higher water tables and consequently of higher losses in the use of grass yield in grazing and the preparation of silage. It would make this agricultural land even more marginal. On the other hand, the main benefits would be a reduction of the large emissions from decomposing peat soils of global warming gasses (CO 2 , N 2 O and CH 4 ), a longer life expectancy for the remaining peat layer annex typical landscape and nature, and savings in future water management for this low country confronted with a declining soil surface and a rising sea level. The second component in the generous offer from the agricultural side also has positive connotations. Quality of products and services from wider farm development can be brought to a much higher level by a systematic combination of ecological widening, social widening and deep farm development. Examples are eco-tourism at farms (ecological and social widening) and 'holistic courses' at organic farms (deep farm development and social widening). An example at regional level is a 'fine food and drink trail' (deep farm development and social widening). In each case the mechanism behind additional value added is that one activity gives a special cachet to a second type of wider farm development.

    The generous offer from the city's side could be the creation of a fund with a deposit as high as the reduction in the use value of agricultural land due to measures, such as higher water tables, in favour of the countryside as a public good. From such a fund yearly payments can be made to farmers who have land in the target area for measures in favour of the public good. This fund in its management and donation can be a mixture of public and private partnership and of city and land partnership. This idea of funding as compensation for the loss in utility value of land caused by severe measures (beyond environmental baselines) was developed for the stimulation of nature-oriented farming. The severe measure proposed was the total exclusion of external input of minerals at a farm. In the peat-meadow area a more relevant severe measure is the possible prescription of high water tables in favour of the public good. This prescription without countervailing institutions would destroy farming and with it valuable elements of the public good, especially the cultural landscape and the typical nature. In the green heart of the Randstad, especially in the urban vicinity, an additional severe measure could be the establishment of rights for public access to land that always was the exclusive territory of farmers.

    Inleiding. Ad Nooij als socioloog en methodoloog
    Haan, H.J. de; Mol, T. ; Verschuren, P. - \ 2001
    In: Het precaire evenwicht tussen distantie en betrokkenheid / de Haan, H.J., Mol, T., Spaargaren, G., Wageningen : Wageningen Universiteit - p. 1 - 18.
    Het precaire evenwicht tussen distantie en betrokkenheid. Opstellen aangeboden aan A.T.J. Nooij ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid als hoogleraar van Wageningen Universiteit
    Haan, H.J. de; Mol, A.P.J. ; Spaargaren, G. - \ 2001
    Wageningen : Wageningen Agricultural University - 207
    rurale sociologie - plattelandsontwikkeling - platteland - nederland - wetenschap - rural sociology - rural development - rural areas - netherlands - science
    Naar een typering van verbeelding : toerisme als uiting en metafoor van verlangen naar het 'andere'
    Lengkeek, J. ; Elands, B. - \ 2001
    In: Het precaire evenwicht tussen distantie en betrokkenheid opstellen aangeboden aan A.T.J. Nooij ter gelegenheid van zijn afscheid als hoogleraar van Wageningen Universiteit / de Haan, H., Mol, T., Spaargaren, G., Wageningen : Wageningen Universiteit - p. 145 - 161.
    landschap - perceptie - openluchtrecreatie - nederland - verbeelding - natuur - landscape - perception - outdoor recreation - netherlands - imagination - nature
    Boeren in betwist landschap : strategische keuzes van boeren in een waardevol agrarisch landschap
    Volker, C.M. - \ 1999
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.T.J. Nooij; N.J.M. Nelissen. - S.l. : S.n. - ISBN 9789058081322 - 201
    plattelandsontwikkeling - landbouw bedrijven - rurale sociologie - innovaties - besluitvorming - natuurbescherming - plattelandsplanning - nederland - rural development - farming - rural sociology - innovations - decision making - nature conservation - rural planning - netherlands

    Until recently, rural landscapes used to be largely the unintentional and self-evident by-products of agriculture, of farm-based labour. This situation has changed dramatically. Now recognized as public spaces, rural landscapes and the nature they include are expected to fulfil important functions for society as a whole. Farmers' management of such areas is increasingly being seen as necessary for non-agrarian functions such as recreation and tourism, the development of new nature areas and the preservation of the cultural heritage.

    In this dissertation, the transformation process is studied from a sociological perspective. Chapter 1 ascertains that the management of a landscape occurs in a very complex social environment. The various claims on rural landscapes mark them as contested areas. Valuable rural landscapes that combine several supralocal collective qualities depend on state intervention for their survival. At the same time, state intervention needs support, notably from farmers, who are the owners and users of agricultural land. Farmers are expected to incorporate politically expedient management measures in their social and agricultural practices. They have not yet done so. Taking care of the environment as a collective good in an affluent urban society is very different from controlling nature for the market-driven production of food and raw materials in advanced land-based agricultural systems.

    The aim of the study was to contribute to the debate on the future management of valuable rural landscapes, by achieving insights into the opportunities for sustainable management of landscapes by farmers. The study focused on management that accommodates the need for more features of nature in rural landscapes. Three facets are presented:

    A historical outline of the supralocal urban interest in nature-based rural landscapes in the Netherlands. This is followed by an outline of the modernization process in the agrarian domain paying particular attention to transformations in the system of agricultural production.Perceptions and practices in farm management, derived from a social survey of farmers in Northeast Twente, in Overijssel province, the Netherlands. In order to predict the strategic preferences of these farmers regarding the place of nature and landscape in their professional skills and market orientation, a model is developed and applied, using empirical data from the social survey.Finally, several strategies for achieving the support and participation of farmers are suggested, with the aim of increasing the likelihood that both valuable landscapes and farmers will survive.

    Chapter 2 discusses the views on nature and on landscape characteristics within three socio-political discourses. Rural landscapes in the Netherlands fit in a centuries-old tradition of planned land use, based on collective intervention in nature and in the physical environment. The discourses stress different opinions about functions of the countryside, nature and urban-rural interactions. Part of the growing public awareness of rural landscapes in the Netherlands is a new attitude to nature that is able to emerge in urban environments. This attitude is to do with admiring and enjoying nature rather than with taming and exploiting it. The rise of modern industrialized society brought with it a new function for rural areas: that of being a green and pleasant land. The twentieth century has seen the emergence of a new institutional field in which nature and landscape organizations have evolved to meet the growing demand for nature reserves and landscape parks. Late twentieth century Dutch public opinion is greatly in favour of nature, but less in favour of on-farm nature conservation and has a poor opinion of farmers as managers of nature.

    Chapter 3 discusses developments in Dutch agriculture, and state intervention in the conservation of valuable features of nature and landscape related to the agrarian domain. Parallel to the social movements that aimed to emancipate the urban working class, a process of emancipation of farmers emerged, followed by the modernization of the system of producing food by farming. Whereas small-scale farming assured a stable and rich semi-natural landscape that could be enjoyed by city dwellers, the agricultural production system developed in the opposite direction, of mechanization and industrialization. The post-war revolution in agriculture resulted in deruralization: that is, in agricultural production shifting from a territorial basis to a sectoral basis. Small-scale region-based mixed farms were replaced by modern specialized farms. This process was supported by land consolidation projects, that had enormous repercussions in terms of the loss of biodiversity, of valuable nature elements, of characteristic landscape features and of multiple land use.

    From the 1960s onwards, vehement conflicts emerged because of the claims articulated by the agriculture and nature conservation lobbies and the separated prospects for urban and rural development brought about by the distinctive planning systems. At the political level, a compromise was reached with the Policy Document on the Relationship between Nature and Agriculture (1975), which featured a zoning of agricultural land. Under this Policy Document, two types of valuable rural landscapes were to be protected against further optimalization of agricultural land use. The Nature Policy Plan of 1990 launched a more pro-active strategy for nature: a National Ecological Network was proposed, in which existing woodland, nature reserves and valuable rural landscapes were to be preserved and rehabilitated. In addition, transition zones and new areas designated for large-scale nature development were to be established on agricultural land. To meet these targets, the policy-making process had to be adjusted. Additional support was needed. In recent years therefore, policy making focusing on subsidizing the traditional state and non-governmental organizations for nature management has been replaced or complemented with result-oriented measures, open to more land users in rural areas.

    Meanwhile, Dutch agriculture has reached a cross-roads. The choice is between the transformation process continuing towards knowledge-based, capital-intensive, technologically advanced food production systems that have a narrow perspective on the sustainability of farms and the environment ('traditional modernization'), and the features of an impending second wave of modernization, comprising agrarian and structural diversification of rural areas ('rural renewal'). The result is the occurrence of two different and partly contradictory development patterns, making the future of Dutch rural landscapes more unpredictable.

    Chapter 4 outlines the prospects for Dutch farmers. Three processes of integration have entered their domain. In agriculture, farmers face a process of increased regulation and techno-economic commercialization of the production system. In nature and landscape conservation, they face the claims made by the social movement industries advocating the development of 'new nature' as a new mission and a new market. Finally, a process of increased state intervention and state support entails taking the environment into account as a collective good (the quality of nature, soil, water and landscape). This latter process is accompanied by new style regulation, in which farmers are challenged to assume more responsibility and to achieve more self-regulation to bring about rural development.

    The consequence of this is that the world of farmers has become much more complex. Now farmers have to learn how to deal with their shrinking freedom of action in conventional agriculture and how to manage the diversity of new claims made on their land. Large areas of the Dutch countryside have already been designated for de-intensified agricultural production. But how likely and inspiring do recent developments seem to Dutch farmers? Dutch farmers seem to be facing difficult choices and much uncertainty.

    Chapter 5 outlines to what extent Dutch farmers are willing to choose in favour of modified, sustainable practices to benefit nature and landscape in their farm management. It includes the results of a social survey conducted in Northeast Twente, covering 81 randomly selected respondents farming 5 ha land or more. These farmers contend that there are still considerable amounts of nature and landscape elements on their farms. With few exceptions, the perceived annoyance caused by such elements is low. In most cases the protective measures are restricted to promoting the conservation of meadow birds and small animals. The farmers are familiar with most initiatives for protecting and promoting the development of nature and landscape elements, but their interest in participating in such initiatives varies. It turns out that their stewardship of nature and landscape elements as part of their farm labour is modest. They prefer the skills needed for optimizing agricultural production. When questioned about preferred combinations of income, they give priority to income from conventional agricultural production. Many farmers are unimpressed by the incentives offered to steward nature and landscape. Questioned about the level of farm management, half of the respondents replied that they prefer the tasks of the skilled labourer, followed by organizational tasks. Only a few favour the true entrepreneur, capable of responding adequately to off-farm developments. Their plans for future development focus on enlarging the farm rather than on specializing or diversifying the farm business. They display considerable enthusiasm for new captial investments and personal improvement of knowledge and skills in agricultural production. Many respondents voice concrete objections to having more nature and landscape elements on the farm, basing their motives on economics and loss of freedom. When asked to range the actors in the networks important to ensure that their plans would be achieved, the respondents reported that stakeholders in the production network and the family were the most essential. Stakeholders for the management of nature and landscape occupy a marginal position in their networks.

    In order to construct a predictive model, chapter 6 explores some theoretical insights relating to farmers' preferences. Theories in rural sociology and the literature on strategic management yielded elements for this model. Chapter 7 discusses the entire model and its constituents, both conceptually and operationally. Strategic preferences, operationalized as a two-dimensional construct covering the interest of farmers in nature and landscape in their professional skills and in their market orientation, result in three groups of farmers. One group has no interest in nature and landscape (33%), the second group prefers the current balance (status quo) between production and nature on the farm (44%) and the smallest group (23%) shows interest in having more features of nature and landscape value on the farm. As a consequence, change-oriented farmers dominate over continuity-oriented farmers, but opinions about the likely prospects vary. The first group opts for traditional modernization paying attention to environmental problems rather than to nature and landscape. The smallest group prefers nature and landscape-included rural renewal.

    Regression analysis was used to determine predictive variables for these preferences. The number of variables with statistically significant influence on preferences is found to be limited. Perception variables prove to be much more important than structure and farm characteristics in agriculture, including the presence of nature and landscape elements. The external orientation of farmers, that is their interests in external initiatives and economic activities in nature and landscape, has by far the most predictive value. The internal orientation, covering the preferred level of farm management and the hindrance experienced from stewarding nature and landscape elements, is not decisive at all. The predictive value of the internal orientation, the farm characteristics and the presence of elements of nature and landscape are overshadowed by the external orientation of farmers.

    Chapter 8 focuses on how the contribution of Dutch farmers to the management of nature and landscape can be improved, making both the quality of the environment and the livelihood of farmers more sustainable. It is concluded that there is still a considerable cultural gap between the persons who have interests in one and the same valuable rural landscape. To the urban population, nature is part of a hedonistic value orientation. To farmers, nature is part of a rural way of life. As a consequence, state policy measures intended to do justice to dominant visions of nature in a highly urbanized society meet considerable resistence in local rural situations. This is particularly striking if measures are placed in the perspective of creating new nature ('nature development') in that situation. Though some Dutch farmers display interest in urban visions on nature and landscape, little of this interest is incorporated into modified farming systems and practices. For most farmers these urban visions are a 'narrow' farm target.

    It is recommended to integrate the communication and participation of farmers into an innovative policy-making process. So far, Dutch farmers have not provided the landscape that urban people desire. The latter would like to have a more natural landscape. The strategy for achieving a more sustainable future for valuable rural landscapes in which farmers perform as knowledgeable participants in the social process has four strategic elements:

    First, a break-through of the status quo can be achieved by retaining external actors as innovators in the region.Second, the relationship between demand and supply of valuable rural landscapes should be established. There are three feasible options. One option excludes farmers as future managers, devolving their contributions to a variety of other actors involved in the landscape. The two other options include opportunities for farmers, provided they are ready to adapt a more open and flexible attitude to the products and services urban people want. The first deals with the preservation and reproduction of traditional valuable features of nature and landscape. It implies development in favour of the cultural heritage. However, this option does not offer a structural solution for each valuable rural landscape and all farmers (the landscape as open-air museum). In the alternative option, the stewardship of landscapes should be based on 'normal' economic activities and services. In contrast to conventional agriculture, however, the alternative option means a wider and more flexible orientation to the environment as a natural resource and a more demand-driven economy (the landscape as part of rural renewal). The best prospect is offered by organic farming, if possible with profitable side-activities. In addition, stewardship continues to be necessary for non-marketable qualities such as the preservation of features of nature and landscape in the light of the cultural heritage and biodiversity. These stewardship activities are dependent on political decisions and government commitment rather than the mechanism of the market competition.The third element is improved network management. At present, Dutch farmers qualify themselves as a group of outsiders in the network for nature and landscape management. Additional networks at the local and regional level could achieve the connection of the networks for agricultural production and nature conservation, featuring intermediary functions. Better network management should also improve the coherence of the conditioning, stimulative and challenging measures in the policy-making process.Finally, more attention should be paid to incorporating measures in farm management. Dutch farmers do not lack information but they do lack instrumental knowledge about initiatives for nature and landscape management. This could be remedied by setting up regional centres for communication and innovation that bridge the gap between a programme of action at the institutional level and the implementation of measures at farm level.
    Toerisme in de arena : een sociologische reflectie op de betekenis van toeristische attractievorming voor de sociale en fysiek-ruimtelijke omgeving in de Euregio Maas-Rijn
    Brouwer, R. - \ 1999
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.T.J. Nooij, co-promotor(en): J. Lengkeek. - S.l. : Brouwer - ISBN 9789058080042 - 263
    toerisme - toeristische attracties - recreatie - plattelandsgemeenschappen - ruimtelijke ordening - fysische geografie - landschapsbescherming - sociaal milieu - toerismebeleid - nederland - identiteit - tourism - tourist attractions - recreation - rural communities - physical planning - physical geography - landscape conservation - social environment - tourism policy - netherlands - identity

    This thesis considers the significance of touristic-recreational processes for the physical/spatial and social environment. It will become clear that the construction of tourist attractions takes place in a context of opposing and competing claims. This emerges from a study of the strategies deployed by environmental organisations, municipal and regional administrators, tourist entrepreneurs and inhabitants of the Meuse-Rhine Euregio in appropriating the environment for their own or collective interests. A study of these strategies illuminates the way in which the construction of attractions manifests itself as an environment issue. The social and physical-spatial environment considered in this thesis is the countryside. The specific sectional interests that are decisive to the social, symbolic and material design of the countryside are examined. In order to gain a better understanding of the specific characteristics of attractions, the extent to which sub-regional attraction formation contributes to initiatives for cross-border regionalisation is also considered. The focus here is on the role played by boundaries in attraction formation.

    This thesis deals with attraction formation in terms of control and interpretation, whereby communicative action generates meanings and strategic actions for the establishment of social and physical-spatial structures. The research focuses primarily on the relationship between symbolic and strategic actions. This approach arises from the use of Habermas's The Theory of Communicative Action as an interpretative framework. Use of this theory means that special attention is given to the principles of rationality which direct the establishment of attractions. On the basis of the results obtained, it can be concluded that the construction of tourist attractions is not primarily or unilaterally dictated by considerations of material reproduction (profit, economic growth and success). The construction process is too complex for that. One-sidedness in the rationalisation process is prevented primarily by the existence of mutual dependencies: actors both oppose one another and need one another.

    It is indicated in this thesis that a partial overlap of interests leads to changing collaborations involving divergent actors. This puts the representation of the countryside into the hands of various actors. The deployment of communicative or instrumental resources is primarily determined by the extent of dependency. As dependency increases, the standard of action becomes communicative rather than strategic. In case of mutual dependency, purposive-rational action is not a very efficient way to get results.

    The research shows that in attraction formation, the world of ideas ("lifeworld") is interwoven with the world of material matters (the subsystems "market and state"). Processes of both symbolic and material reproduction underlie the establishment of attractions. Behind attraction formation is a complex world of interactions. Conservationists, government administrators, tourist entrepreneurs and the local population all fulfil a specific role in the establishment of tourist attractions in the countryside. They are all involved in different ways. Sometimes they have an direct involvement in the process; at other times they make an indirect contribution to regional touristic development. It also happens that some of them impose restrictions on the establishment of attractions. Divergent interests are at stake in the appropriation and design of countryside space for touristic ends, turning attraction formation into a competitive arena. Using strategies, actors try to create or (the reverse) limit the scope for touristic developments.

    Regarding attraction formation as a competitive arena, however, does not mean that opposing interests necessarily lead to conflicts or serious tensions. It becomes clear in this thesis that the actors are involved with one another in various ways, and that they generally succeed in reaching agreement. The different interests may also fit together. Rendering the environment subservient to tourism and recreation, therefore, is achieved in various ways. In the area being researched, there is no question of a colonisation of the lifeworld, where market mechanisms spread in such a way that phenomena essential to the symbolic reproduction are regulated by supply and demand, a danger in modern capitalist society pointed out by Habermas.

    The results of the survey (chapter 8) show that there is little reason for assuming that the local inhabitants interpret tourism in this manner. Curtailing communications in the lifeworld on the basis of purposive-rational actions is not always in the interests of the construction of tourist attractions, as the lifeworld plays an important role in creating a heterogeneous touristic reality. In attraction formation, the lifeworld does not function as a passive background against which tourism takes place. The lifeworld supplies resources that contribute to the unique nature of attractions. Attraction producers need the lifeworld to maintain the heterogeneity of their product, so unilateral purposive-rational actions are not worthwhile: "The requirements of attraction formation" mean one-sidedness is avoided in the rationalisation process. Attraction formation that is strongly linked to the lifeworld requires involvement, inspiration and solidarity. In that capacity, tourism takes on the character of an exchange process. It provides the local population with a framework for becoming more involved with one another and for expressing a local identity.

    Nevertheless, attraction formation should be regarded as a social process that takes place within an area where tension between divergent interests exists. This emerges primarily from a study of the actions of businesses in the tourist industry. An increasingly dynamic tourism and recreation market means that attraction producers must anticipate changing conditions more effectively. New tourism products must be produced more quickly in order to challenge the competition. In this context, standardisation in attraction formation takes on the significance of producing a superficial symbolism. This accelerated production and consumption of touristic meanings increases the countryside's function as cultural source, a source on which tourist entrepreneurs draw in order to reach different target groups. They praise the countryside as a world of peace and quiet, nostalgia, 'green' and harmony, offering ample possibilities for recreation. As well as this, the countryside as cultural source offers opportunities for generating economic profit (e.g. offering holiday homes as profitable investments).

    This process of symbolic appropriation as a response to market mechanisms brings with it the danger of meaning intensification, whereby one specific meaning of the countryside comes to dominate as a result of some unilateral development. The countryside then becomes entirely dominated by tourism. Touristic interests clearly prevail in that situation. The construction of a touristic reality encompasses a specific interpretation of rural life. As a result, certain (rural) activities no longer fit with the picture producers of attractions present to tourists. The business activities of modern farmers, for example, clash with tourists' image of the countryside as a world of nostalgia and tradition. Through the symbolic appropriation of the environment, producers of attractions indicate the interpretative margins of reality.

    It happens on occasion that tourists treat special activities of strong symbolic value to the local population - such as processions and other ceremonies - as amusement. This interpretation sometimes causes annoyance amongst the local population, and in the worst cases even resistance. In such situations, it is important that producers of attractions reach agreement with the local population on the meanings of rural life. However, the research shows that opportunities to hold such discussions often fail to materialise, primarily due to the administrators. This can be attributed to a lack of daring combined with neglect.

    However, communicative action in a situation of opposed or conflicting interests is not automatically successful. In some situations, for example, where the conflicting interests are considerable, strategic actions offer a solution. In order to deploy communicative action effectively in achieving objectives, negotiations with other actors should at the very least be well organised. For example, the dialogue between different actors in touristic platforms proved to be of little effect, because no clear consultative framework had been indicated in advance, and the resources necessary for effective negotiations (including a political basis) were lacking. A perception of mutual advantage is also a prerequisite for successful co-operation between actors. This was absent from the cross-border co-operation within the Meuse-Rhine Euregio. Furthermore, the pursuit of an identical concept for joint spatial planning turned out to be incompatible with the importance of a differentiated environment to attraction formation. Boundaries play an important role in regional tourist attractions: they contribute to the unique nature of the region.

    The importance of symbolic appropriation of the countryside in an adequate response to competition and changing consumer preferences does not necessarily mean that attraction formation consists only of an accumulation of commercial activities. Attraction formation also offers a framework for history, education about the countryside, and tradition. Tourism is more than the consumption of sensation and spectacle or a sum of invented realities. Attraction formation involves both the construction and the reflection of a reality, enabling attractions to grow into a meaningful framework.

    The commodification of the countryside, whereby cultural expression is given a price tag, also offers the local population a certain basis for experiencing continuity between old and new situations. For example, the symbolic reconstruction of the history of a village or region for touristic reasons brings the past back to life. Local traditions are then not only strategically deployed for the establishment of attractions; they also contribute to the symbolic reproduction of the lifeworld. Solidarity within a local community is thus not undermined by instrumental or strategic actions, but rather supported. This experience of mutual advantage indicates an interconnection between lifeworld and system. The local population evaluates developments in tourism on the basis of economic, aesthetic or normative considerations. They determine what is and what is not acceptable in the countryside. The research shows that it is primarily the economic advantages of tourism which are included in this evaluation. In brief: shared definitions of the situation are in part determined by economic interests.

    A colonisation of the lifeworld is also (indirectly) counteracted by the interpretative margins which tourists impose on entrepreneurs. Tourists do not accept everything, and their idea of what is beautiful or pleasant may be different from that of the producers. Producers of attractions must therefore ensure that the touristic interpretation of reality does not deviate too far from everyday reality (see chapter 2). As a result of this "imposed" interpretative margin, the difference between representation and reality seldom disappears entirely. If producers were to act solely on the basis of instrumental and strategic considerations, there would be a danger that the touristic product would not be in keeping with prevailing touristic preferences. This was the case with the environmental organisations. It is argued in chapter 5 that the involvement of environmental organisations in attraction formation is based too much on considerations of control (controlling touristic behaviour). Consequently, some touristic-recreational initiatives on the part of environmental organisations have failed.

    This thesis also shows that the battle for space is not wholly disadvantageous for businesses in the tourist industry. One advantage of the battle is "self protection". The battle for the environment often prevents proliferation, whereby rural resources are used and deployed for attraction formation alone, increasing the chances of the special environment being destroyed. The resistance of other actors prevents tourism dominating the countryside, and ensures that touristic plans are well thought-out in terms of their environmental consequences. In the battle for rural resources, the importance of conserving various characteristics is made clear to businesses in the tourist industry. Reactions from the social environment in which attractions exist prevent an intensification of the economic system in which there is no requirement for communication or aim for consensus. In a situation of permanent competition, the standard of action is strategic rather than communicative.

    Despite the criticisms of the theory of communicative action which have been expressed, the findings of this research show that this theory is of some value for touristic research. This value lies primarily in diagnostics. Using Habermas' concepts, the actions of the different actors involved in attraction formation can be studied from two different principles of rationality. In so doing, it becomes possible to indicate which interests in the battle for social and physical-spatial environment dominate, when they dominate, and what the consequences are for other interests.

    Rurale ontwikkeling in publikaties, een inventarisatie van de belangrijkste publicaties op het terrein van rurale ontwikkeling in de periode 1975-1996.
    Nooij, A.T.J. ; Hetsen, H. ; Ettema, M.T.A. - \ 1997
    Unknown Publisher
    The ecological modernization of production and consumption : essays in environmental sociology
    Spaargaren, G. - \ 1997
    Agricultural University. Promotor(en): A.T.J. Nooij; N.J.M. Nelissen. - S.l. : Spaargaren - ISBN 9789054856474 - 210
    milieu - mens - milieueffect - sociologie - kwaliteit - controle - verontreinigingsbeheersing - milieubeheer - ecologie - consumptie - nederland - menselijke invloed - milieuwetenschappen - environment - man - environmental impact - sociology - quality - control - pollution control - environmental management - ecology - consumption - netherlands - human impact - environmental sciences

    Milieusociologen maken studie van milieubederf en milieubeheer als maatschappelijke verschijnselen. Zij bestuderen de manier waarop milieuproblemen samenhangen met de organisatievorm van de moderne maatschappij alsmede de wijze waarop het tegengaan van milieubederf onderdeel wordt van de reflexieve sturing van de samenleving door gouvernementele en niet-gouvernementele actoren. De centrale stelling die in het proefschrift wordt ontwikkeld is, dat milieuproblemen de inzet kunnen en moeten vormen van een moderniseringsproces dat erop is gericht milieu-overwegingen blijvend te verankeren in de organisatie van de productie- en consumptie-cycli die het industriële karakter van de moderne maatschappij bepalen. Door dit proces van milieu-geïnduceerde veranderingen te bestuderen op het niveau van de institutionele organisatie van de samenleving en op het niveau van de organisatie van het alledaagse leven, kunnen sociologen een bijdrage leveren aan zowel de milieuwetenschap als het milieubeleid. De theorie van de ecologische modernisering van productie en consumptie zoals in eerste aanleg ontwikkeld door Joseph Huber en Martin Jänicke, representeert een van de centrale stromingen binnen de milieusociologie en kan werden gebruikt om tot een beter inzicht te komen in processen van milieuverandering in samenleving en beleid. In de verschillende hoofdstukken worden steeds onderdelen van de ecologische moderniseringstheorie verder ontwikkeld en besproken tegen de achtergrond van de sociaal wetenschappelijke en in het bijzonder de sociologische literatuur.

    In hoofdstuk 1 worden de hierboven beschreven doelstelling en algemene benaderingswijze van de ecologische moderniseringstheorie nader geïntroduceerd en geplaatst in de context van het veranderende milieudebat zoals dat vanaf het begin van de jaren zeventig werd gevoerd met name in enkele westers-industriële landen. Het feit dat het een moderniserings-theorie betreft, impliceert dat afstand wordt genomen van de 'grenzen aan de groei' benadering die in de jaren zeventig een dominante positie innam in het milieudebat en waarin de ontwikkeling van een alternatieve, kleinschalige organisatievorm van productie en consumptie werd gezien als het wenselijke en noodzakelijke alternatief voor de gangbare, grootschalige, industrieel-kapitalistische organisatievorm van moderne samenlevingen. Als moderniseringstheorie kwam zij echter op haar beurt onder kritiek toen vanaf de jaren negentig de discussie over 'global (environmental) change' de aandacht richtte op de veranderende rol van enerzijds de politiek en anderzijds wetenschap en techniek in de huidige fase van de 'reflexieve moderniteit'.

    Hoofdstuk 2 schetst de situatie in de Nederlandse milieusociologie wat betreft theorievorming en onderzoek in de periode tot het midden van de jaren tachtig. Deze situatie vormt de institutionele en disciplinaire achtergrond waartegen onze bijdrage aan de ecologische moderniseringstheorie moet worden begrepen. Met de milieukunde als dominante organisatievorm voor het bedrijven van milieuwetenschap en met een milieusociologische onderzoekstraditie die zich kenmerkte door een eenzijdige oriëntatie op empirisch, sociaal-psychologisch gefundeerd onderzoek, kon de uitgangssituatie voor de ontwikkeling van de milieusociologie tot het midden van de jaren tachtig niet als gunstig worden getypeerd. Tegen deze achtergrond wordt de noodzaak besproken om te komen tot de ontwikkeling van een theoretisch adequaat, sociologisch perspectief op het milieuvraagstuk. Daarbij wordt beargumenteerd dat de klassieke en hedendaagse varianten van de sociale ecologie noch de (neo) marxistische traditie veel bruikbare uitgangspunten bevatten voor het ontwikkelen van een dergelijk theoretisch perspectief.

    In hoofdstuk 3 wordt de ecologische moderniseringstheorie besproken in relatie tot de verschillende de-, anti- en postmoderniseringstheorieën van zowel neo-marxistische als nietmarxistische aard. Daarbij concentreert zich de aandacht vooral op (de confrontatie met) de stroming van de 'contra- productiviteits'-theorieën die binnen de milieubeweging in de jaren zeventig veel aanhang en invloed hadden. De idee van een kleinschalige maatschappij als alternatief voor de modern industriële samenleving wordt besproken en bekritiseerd tegen de achtergrond van de veranderende relaties tussen het lokale en het globale niveau van moderne samenlevingen, die gekenmerkt worden door het zich steeds verder over tijd en ruimte uitstrekken van sociale relaties. De door Joseph Huber ontwikkelde theorie van ecologische modernisering neemt afstand van de kleinschaligheidsgedachte in zijn klassieke vorm en bepleit in plaats van een ontmanteling van de centrale instituties van de moderniteit juist een modernisering van deze instituties. Zijn theorie wordt besproken in relatie tot de veranderingen die zich in de loop van de jaren tachtig steeds duidelijker aftekenden zowel binnen het Nederlandse milieubeleid als in de Nederlandse milieu-beweging. Veranderingen die een ondersteuning lijken voor de centrale these van Huber, namelijk dat - na een fase van 'opbouw' - de fase van 'ombouw' van het industriesysteem is aangebroken. Een ombouw of 'switch-over' die in belangrijke mate gedragen wordt door niet- gouvernementele actoren en die een belangrijke rol toekent aan daartoe 'herprogrammeerde' wetenschap en techniek.

    In hoofdstuk 4 wordt de schijnwerper gericht op een benadering binnen de (milieu)sociologie die op het eerste gezicht de centrale premissen van de ecologische moderniseringstheorie fundamenteel lijkt te weerspreken. De theorie van de risico-maatschappij zoals met name door Ulrich Beck gelanceerd en door Anthony Giddens mede ontwikkeld, legt grote nadruk op de onbeheersbaarheid en onomkeerbaarheid van milieuproblemen en brengt dit 'apocalyptische' karakter van milieuproblemen direct in verband met de onttovering van techniek en wetenschap en (het besef van) grenzen aan de stuurbaarheid van maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen. In plaats van een omslag in de richting van duurzame ontwikkeling wordt hier het perspectief geschetst van een samenleving waarbinnen de verdeling en toedeling van (milieu)risico's de dominante logica wordt. De ramp met de Tsjernobyl kerncentrale heeft volgens Beck een 'antropologische schok' teweeg gebracht waarbij mensen zich in een klap bewust werden van het feit dat essentiële in de zin van uiteindelijk levensbedreigende milieuproblemen niet langer zintuiglijk waarneembaar zijn en daarmee slecht met behulp van expert- kennis kunnen worden geduid. Terwijl enerzijds het besef van expert-athankelijkheid toeneemt, is er tegelijkertijd een groeiend bewustzijn van het feit dat wetenschap en techniek niet langer de onfeilbare bakens zijn voor onze omgang met onzekerheden. Het proces van 'onttovering' treft niet alleen wetenschap en techniek maar strekt zich ook uit tot de politieke arrangementen die in de periode van de 'simpele moderniteit' werden ontwikkeld: nationale politieke (milieu)arrangementen worden in werking en betekenis uitgehold onder invloed van een toenemende transnationalisering van politiek en economie. Hoewel de theorie van de risico-maatschappij op de hier genoemde onderdelen zeer waardevolle inzichten en vraagstellingen voortbrengt voor de milieusociologie, schiet zij naar onze mening tekort als milieusociologische theorie. Door een scherper onderscheid te maken naar onderscheiden categorieën van milieuproblemen, wordt het mogelijk de apocalyptische horizon van milieuhervorming specifiek te verbinden met een categorie van milieu-problemen die door Giddens als 'High-Consequence-Risks' (HCR) wordt aangeduid. Door niet op voorhand de specifieke kenmerken van HCR's ook van toepassing te verklaren op de overige milleuproblemen, ontstaat ruimte voor een meer genuanceerd beeld met betrekking tot de mogelijkheden voor het beheersen van milieuproblemen en de daarbij behorende rol van politiek en wetenschap.

    In de hoofdstukken 3 en 4 ligt het accent in belangrijke mate op milieu-veranderingen op het institutionele niveau van de samenleving, waarbij bovendien de analyse van productie- en consumptiecycli voornamelijk vanuit de logica van de productiesfeer wordt ondernomen. In de hoofdstukken 5 en 6 wordt het accent verlegd naar het niveau van het alledaagse leven, naar het handelen van mensen die als kundige en bekwame actoren betrokken zijn bij de reproductie van milieu-arrangementen. Daarbij wordt bovendien aandacht gevraagd voor de noodzaak om productieen consumptiecycli (ook) vanuit de logica van de consumptiesfeer te analyseren. Door de ecologische moderniseringtheorie op beide punten te corrigeren en aan te vullen ontstaat een theoretisch meer adequate variant van het door Huber en Jänicke ontwikkelde basisschema.

    Hoofdstuk 5 is geheel gewijd aan het klassieke micro-macro probleem in de sociale wetenschappen in het algemeen en in de sociale milieuwetenschappen in het bijzonder. Besproken wordt de manier waarop het actor-structuur dualisme binnen zowel het attitude-gedrag paradigma als in de zogenoemde rational choice en sociale dilemma benaderingen elk op een eigen wijze gereproduceerd wordt. Als alternatief worden besproken enerzijds de aan Elias ontleende civilisatie-theorie en anderzijds de door de Britse socioloog Anthony Giddens ontwikkelde structuratie-theorie. Beargumenteerd wordt dat de door Giddens ontwikkelde handelingstheorie een theoretisch adequate oplossing biedt voor het klassieke micro-macro probleem alsmede voor het conceptualiseren van het 'keuze-proces' van actoren dat zo centraal staat in het denken over milieu(on)vriendelijk gedrag. Door aan Giddens ontleende centrale begrippen als sociale praktijken, leefstijl, praktisch bewustzijn en dualiteit van structuur toe te passen op en uit te werken in het kader van het streven naar duurzame(r) leefstijlen, wordt een 'actor-georiënteerde' variant van de ecologische moderniseringstheorie ontwikkeld.

    In hoofdstuk 6 wordt geconstateerd dat binnen het Nederlandse milieubeleid lange tijd een op de productiesfeer toegesneden analyse van het gedrag van burger-consumenten de dominante benadering vormde. Waar vanuit het beleid de grenzen van een dergelijke benadering steeds duidelijker worden onderkend, vraagt men de sociale wetenschappen nadrukkelijk om een bijdrage met betrekking tot de vraag hoe vanuit het beleid de zogenoemde 'moeilijk bereikbare doelgroepen' benaderd zouden kunnen worden. Om het gedrag van deze doelgroepen beter te begrijpen, dient men de dynamiek in en achter consumptiegedrag en de consumptiecultuur nader te onderzoeken. De relatie van mensen met goederen en diensten vormt het centrale object van de sociologie van de consumptie. Binnen de consumptie-sociologie wordt een sterke nadruk gelegd op de sociale of symbolische waarde van producten in plaats van op de objectieve kenmerken of de gebruikswaarde van producten die zo centraal staan in de milieuwetenschap. Tussen de eenzijdig op stofstromen gerichte milieuwetenschappen enerzijds en de eenzijdig op processen van distinctie en spel gerichte sociologie anderzijds wordt getracht een voor de milicusociologie bruikbare analyse te ontwikkelen, waarbij aan zowel de objectief-materiële als aan de sociale dimensie van consumptie aandacht wordt besteed en waarbij de wisselwerking tussen de sfeer van productie en de sfeer van consumptie een belangrijke plaats inneemt. Als startpunt voor een dergelijke analyse wordt de huishoudelijke consumptie genomen. Aan de hand van een aan Giddens ontleend model wordt inzichtelijk gemaakt op welke wijze de sociale praktijken die een rol spelen in de huishoudelijke consumptie, kunnen worden geanalyseerd. De door de Noorse socioloog Per Otnes ontwikkelde variant van Giddens' basisschema maakt inzichtelijk op welke manier huishoudelijke consumptiepraktijken verbonden zijn met wat hij noemt sociaal-materiële, collectieve systemen (SMCS) als het energie-, water- en afvalnetwerk. Door de ecologische moderniseringstheorie toe te passen op en uit te werken voor deze SMCS's, ontstaat een minder exclusief op de productiesfeer toegesneden variant van deze theorie. De huidige ontwikkelingen in de nutssectoren tonen daarbij aan dat klassieke vragen als die van de balans tussen markten staatsregulering van productie- en consumptiepraktijken of die van de groot- versus kleinschalige organisatie van technieksystemen, nog immer relevant zijn.

    Fat intake of adolescents: quantification of influence from the social environment.
    Feunekes, G.I.J. ; Nooij, A.T.J. ; Graaf, C. de; Staveren, W.A. van - \ 1996
    In: Food, fat, family and friends; studies on the impact of the social environment in dietary intake - p. 101 - 126.
    Boekbespreking: The environmental perspective.
    Nooij, A.T.J. - \ 1996
    European Journal of Agricultural Education and Extension 3 (1996)1. - ISSN 1381-2335 - p. 61 - 62.
    Sociologische gids (Journal)
    Nooij, A.T.J. - \ 1996
    Sociologische gids (1996).
    Rurale sociologie, een buitenplaats van de algemene sociologie?
    Nooij, A.T.J. - \ 1996
    Sociologische gids 43 (1996)1. - ISSN 0038-0334 - p. 6 - 16.
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